905 resultados para Critical discourse analysis
Resumo:
The 1641 Depositions are testimonies collected from (mainly Protestant) witnesses documenting their experiences of the Irish uprising that began in October 1641. As news spread across Europe of the events unfolding in Ireland, reports of violence against women became central to the ideological construction of the barbarism of the Catholic rebels. Against a backdrop of women's subordination and firmly defined gender roles, this article investigates the representation of women in the Depositions, creating what we have termed "lexico-grammatical portraits" of particular categories of woman. In line with other research dealing with discursive constructions in seventeenth-century texts, a corpus-assisted discourse analytical approach is taken. Adopting the assumptions of Critical Discourse Analysis, the discussion is extended to what the findings reveal about representations of the roles of women, both in the reported events and in relation to the dehumanisation of the enemy in atrocity propaganda more generally. © John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Resumo:
The logic of ‘time’ in modern capitalist society appears to be a fixed concept. Time dictates human activity with a regularity, which as long ago as 1944, George Woodcock referred to as The Tyranny of the Clock. Seventy years on, Hartmut Rosa suggests humans no longer maintain speed to achieve something new, but simply to preserve the status quo, in a ‘social acceleration’ that is lethal to democracy. Political engagement takes time we no longer have, as we rush between our virtual spaces and ‘non-places’ of higher education. I suggest it’s time to confront the conspirators that, in partnership with the clock, accelerate our social engagements with technology in the context of learning. Through Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) I reveal an alarming situation if we don’t. With reference to Bauman’s Liquid Modernity, I observe a ‘lightness’ in policy texts where humans have been ‘liquified’ Separating people from their own labour with technology in policy maintains the flow of speed a neoliberal economy demands. I suggest a new ‘solidity’ of human presence is required as we write about networked learning. ‘Writing ourselves back in’ requires a commitment to ‘be there’ in policy and provide arguments that decelerate the tyranny of time. I am though ever-mindful that social acceleration is also of our own making, and there is every possibility that we actually enjoy it.
Resumo:
In global policy documents, the language of Technology-Enhanced Learning (TEL) now firmly structures a perception of educational technology which ‘subsumes’ terms like Networked Learning and e-Learning. Embedded in these three words though is a deterministic, economic assumption that technology has now enhanced learning, and will continue to do so. In a market-driven, capitalist society this is a ‘trouble free’, economically focused discourse which suggests there is no need for further debate about what the use of technology achieves in learning. Yet this raises a problem too: if technology achieves goals for human beings, then in education we are now simply counting on ‘use of technology’ to enhance learning. This closes the door on a necessary and ongoing critical pedagogical conversation that reminds us it is people that design learning, not technology. Furthermore, such discourse provides a vehicle for those with either strong hierarchical, or neoliberal agendas to make simplified claims politically, in the name of technology. This chapter is a reflection on our use of language in the educational technology community through a corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). In analytical examples that are ‘loaded’ with economic expectation, we can notice how the policy discourse of TEL narrows conversational space for learning so that people may struggle to recognise their own subjective being in this language. Through the lens of Lieras’s externality, desubjectivisation and closure (Lieras, 1996) we might examine possible effects of this discourse and seek a more emancipatory approach. A return to discussing Networked Learning is suggested, as a first step towards a more multi-directional conversation than TEL, that acknowledges the interrelatedness of technology, language and learning in people’s practice. Secondly, a reconsideration of how we write policy for educational technology is recommended, with a critical focus on how people learn, rather than on what technology is assumed to enhance.
Resumo:
This article investigates potential effects which (the recontextualisation of) interpreted discourse can have on the positioning of participants. The discursive event which forms the basis of the analysis are international press conferences which bring politicians and journalists together. The dominant question addressed is: (How) do interpreter-mediated encounters influence the positioning of participants and thus the construction of interactional and social roles? The article illustrates that methods of (critical) discourse analysis can be used to identify positioning strategies which are employed by participants in such triadic exchanges. The data come from press conferences which involve English, German, and French as source and target languages.
Resumo:
This article explores powerful, constraining representations of encounters between digital technologies and the bodies of students and teachers, using corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). It discusses examples from a corpus of UK Higher Education (HE) policy documents, and considers how confronting such documents may strengthen arguments from educators against narrow representations of an automatically enhanced learning. Examples reveal that a promise of enhanced ‘student experience’ through information and communication technologies internalizes the ideological constructs of technology and policy makers, to reinforce a primary logic of exchange value. The identified dominant discursive patterns are closely linked to the Californian ideology. By exposing these texts, they provide a form of ‘linguistic resistance’ for educators to disrupt powerful processes that serve the interests of a neoliberal social imaginary. To mine this current crisis of education, the authors introduce productive links between a Networked Learning approach and a posthumanist perspective. The Networked Learning approach emphasises conscious choices between political alternatives, which in turn could help us reconsider ways we write about digital technologies in policy. Then, based on the works of Haraway, Hayles, and Wark, a posthumanist perspective places human digital learning encounters at the juncture of non-humans and politics. Connections between the Networked Learning approach and the posthumanist perspective are necessary in order to replace a discourse of (mis)representations with a more performative view towards the digital human body, which then becomes situated at the centre of teaching and learning. In practice, however, establishing these connections is much more complex than resorting to the typically straightforward common sense discourse encountered in the Critical Discourse Analysis, and this may yet limit practical applications of this research in policy making.
Resumo:
This study examines the impact of globalization and religious nationalism on the personal and professional lives of urban Hindu middle class media women. The research demonstrates how newly strengthened forces of globalization and Hindutva shape Indian womanhood. The research rests on various data that reveal how Indian women interpret and negotiate constructed identities. The study seeks to give voice to the objectified by scrutinizing and challenging the stereotypical modern faces of Indian womanhood seen in the narratives of globalization and Hindutva. Feminist open-ended interviewing was conducted in English and Hindi in New Delhi, the capital of India, with 23 Hindu women, employed by electronic and print media corporations. Accumulated data were analyzed and interpreted using feminist critical discourse analysis. Findings from the study indicate that while the Indian middle class women have embraced professional opportunities presented by globalization, they remain circumscribed by mutating gender politics. The research also finds that as academic and professional progress empower the women within their homes, their public lives have become fraught with increasing gender violence and decreasing recourse to justice. Therefore, women accept the power stratification of their lives as being dependent on spatial and temporal distinctions, and have learnt to engage and strategize with the public environment for physical safety and personal-professional progress. While the media women see systemic masculine domination as being symbiotic with tenets of religious nationalism, they exhibit an unquestioned embracing of capitalism/globalization as the means of empowerment. My research also strongly indicates the importance of the media’s role in shaping gender dynamics in a global context. In conclusion, my research shows the mediawomen’s immense agency in pursuing academic and professional careers while being aware of deeply ingrained gender roles through their strong commitment towards their families. The findings of this study contribute to the literature on Third World nationalism, urban globalization and understandings of reworked-renewed masculine domination. Finally, the study also engages with recent scholarship on the Indian middle class (See Nanda 2010; Shenoy 2009; Lukose 2005; and Radhakrishnan 2006) while simultaneously addressing the notions of privilege and disengagement levied at the middle class woman, a symbiosis of idealization and imprisonment.
Resumo:
This study examined the representation of national and religious dimensions of Iranian history and identity in Iranian middle school history textbooks. Furthermore, through a qualitative case study in a school in the capital city of Tehran, teachers' use of textbooks in classrooms, students' response, their perceptions of the country's past, and their definitions of national identity is studied. The study follows a critical discourse analysis framework by focusing on the subjectivity of the text and examining how specific concepts, in this case collective identities, are constructed through historical narratives and how social actors, in this case students, interact with , and make sense of, the process. My definition of national identity is based on the ethnosymbolism paradigm (Smith, 2003) that accommodates both pre-modern cultural roots of a nation and the development and trajectory of modern political institutions. Two qualitative approaches of discourse analysis and case study were employed. The textbooks selected were those published by the Ministry of Education; universally used in all middle schools across the country in 2009. The case study was conducted in a girls' school in Tehran. The students who participated in the study were ninth grade students who were in their first year of high school and had just finished a complete course of Iranian history in middle school. Observations were done in history classes in all three grades of the middle school. The study findings show that textbooks present a generally negative discourse of Iran's long history as being dominated by foreign invasions and incompetent kings. At the same time, the role of Islam and Muslim clergy gradually elevates in salvaging the country from its despair throughout history, becomes prominent in modern times, and finally culminates in the Islamic Revolution as the ultimate point of victory for the Iranian people. Throughout this representation, Islam becomes increasingly dominant in the textbooks' narrative of Iranian identity and by the time of the Islamic Revolution morphs into its single most prominent element. On the other hand, the students have created their own image of Iran's history and Iranian identity that diverges from that of the textbooks especially in their recollection of modern times. They have internalized the generally negative narrative of textbooks, but have not accepted the positive role of Islam and Muslim clergy. Their notion of Iranian identity is dominated by feelings of defeat and failure, anecdotal elements of pride in the very ancient history, and a sense of passivity and helplessness.
Resumo:
On the night of April 20, 2010, a group of students from the University of Puerto Rico (UPR), Río Piedras campus, met to organize an indefinite strike that quickly broadened into a defense of accessible public higher education of excellence as a fundamental right and not a privilege. Although the history of student activism in the UPR can be traced back to the early 1900s, the 2010-2011 strike will be remembered for the student activists’ use of new media technologies as resources that rapidly prompted and aided the numerous protests. This activist research entailed a critical ethnography and a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of traditional and alternative media coverage and treatment during the 2010 -2011 UPR student strike. I examined the use of the 2010-2011 UPR student activists’ resistance performances in constructing local, corporeal, and virtual spaces of resistance and contention during their movement. In particular, I analyzed the different tactics and strategies of resistance or repertoire of collective actions that student activists used (e.g. new media technologies) to frame their collective identities via alternative news media’s (re)presentation of the strike, while juxtaposing the university administration’s counter-resistance performances in counter-framing the student activists’ collective identity via traditional news media representations of the strike. I illustrated how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism developed, maintained, and/or modified students activists’ collective identities. As such, the UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of networks that continue to create resistance and change. These networks add to the debate surrounding Internet activism and its impact on student activism. Ultimately, the results of this study highlight the important role student movements have had in challenging different types of government policies and raising awareness of the importance of an accessible public higher education of excellence.
Resumo:
The discussion involving the identity of social actors has taken place for some years, however, it has become significant for the discourse studies over the last years due to the fragmentation of postmodern actors. Understanding the identity as a symbolic concept that can aid in the detection of certain realities - a kind of mechanism / a magnifying glass (MERLUCCI, 1985) - you can check the linguistic materiality of the introductory text of the lattes resume as a adequate place for the formation of collective identities . The aim of this dissertation is to reflect, in a time of postmodernity, through the lattes introductory curriculum texts, the collective identities of the language researchers are portrayed in discursive and social practices based on the accumulation of cultural and academic capital. For analysis, surrounding the indisciplinary posture in Applied Linguistics (MOITA-LOPES, 2006), the descriptive / interpretive methodology was used (MAGALHÃES, 2001). Whereas the study method and the social theory, as state reasons of the research makes use of the Sociological Approach and Communicational Discourse, chain linked to the assumptions of Critical Discourse Analysis (PEDROSA, 2012a). The corpus is constituted of twenty-seven introductory texts from the lattes curriculum of language researchers, connected to three institutions of higher learning in Sergipe. After the collection, on the lattes platform, and the numbering of the curriculum in order to achieve the research objective, we performed the analysis based on three identity themes: teaching, social belonging (BAJOIT, 2006; DESCHAMPS; MOLINER, 2009) and the accumulation of academic-cultural capital (BOURDIEU, 2004; HEY, 2008). The data show that the texts of the lattes curriculum are based on hegemonic and ideological principals, referring to the accumulation of academic assets, the valuation of actors and the hierarchical positions, recognized and ratified by couples who socialize among themselves Right now, the research allows us to infer that, in postmodernity, some collective identity assumptions, contribute to the understanding of the academic reality, around the the lattes curriculum.
Resumo:
This work has as object of study a social practice: modern slavery of workers in the sugar cane, and aims to present a reflection on maintenance, eradication or modification of this practice. This reflection bases itself upon the concepts of discourse advocated by Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough, 2001, 2003, 2006 and Chouliaraki; Fairclough, 1999) associated with Sociodiscursive Interactionism (Bronckart, 1999, 2006, 2008), and the concept of action figures, proposed by Bulea (2010). We follow the five steps outlined in Chouliaraki and Fairclough (1999): a) emphasis on a social problem, b) introduction and discussion of obstacles to tackle the problem, c) considerations concern the problem in practice d) identifying possible ways to past the obstacles, and e) reflection about the analyst role within the problem. In order to achieve step (b) in its discourse materiality axis, it has been identified the thematic content, discourse types, enunciative mechanisms and action figures of testimonials of sugar cane workers and other subjects involved with the problem in the documentaries Bagaço (2006, and Tabuleiro de Cana, Xadrez de Cativeiro (2006). These documentaries bring to the screen a little of sugar cane workers reality within an overexploitation, human rights disrespects and forced work. The analysis of textual/discursive aspects of testimonials has shown the ways in which the (de)construction of the representation of sugar cane action allows understanding of how the problem emerges and how it is rooted in the organization of social life. The general result of this reflection point to the internalization of social practices deep-rooted in evaluations of the sugar cane worker subjective world and from social world values, opinions and rules. The results also show that, in their discourse, workers assume their slavery sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, but only suggest a reaction against the oppression imposed on them because they have internalized and naturalized their enslavement.
Resumo:
This work has as object of study a social practice: modern slavery of workers in the sugar cane, and aims to present a reflection on maintenance, eradication or modification of this practice. This reflection bases itself upon the concepts of discourse advocated by Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough, 2001, 2003, 2006 and Chouliaraki; Fairclough, 1999) associated with Sociodiscursive Interactionism (Bronckart, 1999, 2006, 2008), and the concept of action figures, proposed by Bulea (2010). We follow the five steps outlined in Chouliaraki and Fairclough (1999): a) emphasis on a social problem, b) introduction and discussion of obstacles to tackle the problem, c) considerations concern the problem in practice d) identifying possible ways to past the obstacles, and e) reflection about the analyst role within the problem. In order to achieve step (b) in its discourse materiality axis, it has been identified the thematic content, discourse types, enunciative mechanisms and action figures of testimonials of sugar cane workers and other subjects involved with the problem in the documentaries Bagaço (2006, and Tabuleiro de Cana, Xadrez de Cativeiro (2006). These documentaries bring to the screen a little of sugar cane workers reality within an overexploitation, human rights disrespects and forced work. The analysis of textual/discursive aspects of testimonials has shown the ways in which the (de)construction of the representation of sugar cane action allows understanding of how the problem emerges and how it is rooted in the organization of social life. The general result of this reflection point to the internalization of social practices deep-rooted in evaluations of the sugar cane worker subjective world and from social world values, opinions and rules. The results also show that, in their discourse, workers assume their slavery sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, but only suggest a reaction against the oppression imposed on them because they have internalized and naturalized their enslavement.
Resumo:
El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo evaluar hasta qué punto las cadenas de televisión generalista en España adoptan estrategias de comunicación coherentes, sólidas y atractivas a la hora de construir una relación con los espectadores en su continuidad. Para ello, se aplica un análisis del discurso verbal a una muestra de piezas de continuidad televisiva de La1, Antena3, Telecinco y TV3. El análisis de las características enunciativas de las piezas muestra que, más allá de sus especificidades (en relación a la proximidad con los espectadores, su grado de directividad o su vinculación con ciertas identidades), los discursos de la continuidad de las cadenas requieren mayor coherencia y capacidad de diferenciación, más aún en un contexto de pérdida de prominencia social de la televisión generalista.
Resumo:
Los medios de prensa tienen un rol determinante en la construcción, legitimación y representación de distintas realidades socioculturales, las cuales a su vez generan lineamientos institucionalizados de unas identidades nacionales sobre otras, creando relaciones desiguales en base de prejuicios y estereotipos. Los países vecinos cuentan con historias de unidad y conflictos, pero el tiempo a veces no es suficiente para cerrar viejas heridas, como ocurre con la Guerra del Pacífico (18791883). En este contexto se analizaron las noticias de los medios con mayor injerencia a nivel país: La Razón (Bolivia) y El Mercurio (Chile), donde, por medio de una herramienta metodológica de Análisis Crítico y Complejo del Discurso Verbovisual, se buscó dilucidar los procesos de construcción discursiva de cada Estadonación y confirmar cómo éstos se mantienen a través del tiempo.
Resumo:
The richness of dance comes from the need to work with an individual body. Still, the body of the dancer belongs to plural context, crossed by artistic and social traditions, which locate the artists in a given field. We claim that role conflict is an essential component of the structure of collective artistic creativity. We address the production of discourse in a British dance company, with data that spawns from the ethnography ‘Dance and Cognition’, directed by David Kirsh at the University of California, together with WayneMcGregor-Random Dance. Our Critical Discourse Analysis is based on multiple interviews to the dancers and choreographer. Our findings show how creativity in dance seems to be empirically observable, and thus embodied and distributed shaped by the dance habitus of the particular social context.
Resumo:
En este trabajo aplicamos a la red social Twitter un modelo de análisis del discurso político y mediático desarrollado en publicaciones previas, que permite hacer compatible el estudio de los datos discursivos con propuestas explicativas surgidas a propósito de la comunicación política (neurocomunicación) y de la comunicación digital (la red como quinto estado, convergencia, inteligencia colectiva). Asumimos que hay categorías del encuadre discursivo (frame) que pueden ser tratadas como indicadores de habilidades cognitivas y comunicativas. Analizamos estas categorías agrupándolas en tres dimensiones fundamentales: la intencional (ilocutividad del tuit, encuadre interpretativo de las etiquetas), referencial (temas, protagonistas), e interactiva (alineamiento estructural, predictibilidad; marcas de intertextualidad y dialogismo; afiliación partidista). El corpus consta de 4116 tuits: 3000 tuits pertenecientes a los programas Al Rojo Vivo (La Sexta: A3 Media), Las Mañanas Cuatro (Cuatro: Mediaset) y Los Desayunos de TVE (RTVE), 1116 tuits de seguidores de los programas, que corresponden a 45 tuits de cada programa. Los resultados confirman que el modelo permite establecer diferentes perfiles de subjetividad política en las cuentas de Twitter.