988 resultados para Civil service positions.


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Comunicação apresentada no curso avançado em gestão da formação, 2010.

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O presente artigo intenta sistematizar as formas ou regimes do emprego público em países da União Europeia e da OCDE. A metodologia compreende a análise dos tradicionais sistemas de carreira (career-based system) e sistema de emprego (position-based system) no emprego público. Desenvolvem-se, ainda, breves reflexões nas mudanças operadas naqueles dois regimes que migraram para um terceiro modelo, vulgarmente designado por modelo híbrido de emprego público, mais flexível e mais correlativo às circunstâncias do século XXI.

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The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.

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PTSA és el projecte resultat del desenvolupament de la Plataforma Telemàtica de Serveis Administratius proposada com a iniciativa per l'Ajuntament de Ripollet. Amb l'objectiu de promoure la utilització dels canals de comunicació segurs entre el ciutadà i l'Administració, aporta els serveis d'acreditació, registre i consulta. Integrada amb el portal ripollet.cat, implementa les tecnologies per al tractament de l'acreditació d'usuaris mitjançant certificació digital i la generació dinàmica de documents signats electrònicament. Dins el marc d'execució de la llei 11/2007 d'accés electrònic dels ciutadans als serveis públics, és un gran primer pas en el llarg camí amb destinació a una Administració electrònica completa i de qualitat.

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CONTEXT: Previous studies may have underestimated the contribution of health behaviors to social inequalities in mortality because health behaviors were assessed only at the baseline of the study. OBJECTIVE: To examine the role of health behaviors in the association between socioeconomic position and mortality and compare whether their contribution differs when assessed at only 1 point in time with that assessed longitudinally through the follow-up period. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS: Established in 1985, the British Whitehall II longitudinal cohort study includes 10 308 civil servants, aged 35 to 55 years, living in London, England. Analyses are based on 9590 men and women followed up for mortality until April 30, 2009. Socioeconomic position was derived from civil service employment grade (high, intermediate, and low) at baseline. Smoking, alcohol consumption, diet, and physical activity were assessed 4 times during the follow-up period. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: All-cause and cause-specific mortality. RESULTS: A total of 654 participants died during the follow-up period. In the analyses adjusted for sex and year of birth, those with the lowest socioeconomic position had 1.60 times higher risk of death from all causes than those with the highest socioeconomic position (a rate difference of 1.94/1000 person-years). This association was attenuated by 42% (95% confidence interval [CI], 21%-94%) when health behaviors assessed at baseline were entered into the model and by 72% (95% CI, 42%-154%) when they were entered as time-dependent covariates. The corresponding attenuations were 29% (95% CI, 11%-54%) and 45% (95% CI, 24%-79%) for cardiovascular mortality and 61% (95% CI, 16%-425%) and 94% (95% CI, 35%-595%) for noncancer and noncardiovascular mortality. The difference between the baseline only and repeated assessments of health behaviors was mostly due to an increased explanatory power of diet (from 7% to 17% for all-cause mortality, respectively), physical activity (from 5% to 21% for all-cause mortality), and alcohol consumption (from 3% to 12% for all-cause mortality). The role of smoking, the strongest mediator in these analyses, did not change when using baseline or repeat assessments (from 32% to 35% for all-cause mortality). CONCLUSION: In a civil service population in London, England, there was an association between socioeconomic position and mortality that was substantially accounted for by adjustment for health behaviors, particularly when the behaviors were assessed repeatedly.

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OBJECTIVE: To assess the contribution of modifiable risk factors to social inequalities in the incidence of type 2 diabetes when these factors are measured at study baseline or repeatedly over follow-up and when long term exposure is accounted for. DESIGN: Prospective cohort study with risk factors (health behaviours (smoking, alcohol consumption, diet, and physical activity), body mass index, and biological risk markers (systolic blood pressure, triglycerides and high density lipoprotein cholesterol)) measured four times and diabetes status assessed seven times between 1991-93 and 2007-09. SETTING: Civil service departments in London (Whitehall II study). PARTICIPANTS: 7237 adults without diabetes (mean age 49.4 years; 2196 women). MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Incidence of type 2 diabetes and contribution of risk factors to its association with socioeconomic status. RESULTS: Over a mean follow-up of 14.2 years, 818 incident cases of diabetes were identified. Participants in the lowest occupational category had a 1.86-fold (hazard ratio 1.86, 95% confidence interval 1.48 to 2.32) greater risk of developing diabetes relative to those in the highest occupational category. Health behaviours and body mass index explained 33% (-1% to 78%) of this socioeconomic differential when risk factors were assessed at study baseline (attenuation of hazard ratio from 1.86 to 1.51), 36% (22% to 66%) when they were assessed repeatedly over the follow-up (attenuated hazard ratio 1.48), and 45% (28% to 75%) when long term exposure over the follow-up was accounted for (attenuated hazard ratio 1.41). With additional adjustment for biological risk markers, a total of 53% (29% to 88%) of the socioeconomic differential was explained (attenuated hazard ratio 1.35, 1.05 to 1.72). CONCLUSIONS: Modifiable risk factors such as health behaviours and obesity, when measured repeatedly over time, explain almost half of the social inequalities in incidence of type 2 diabetes. This is more than was seen in previous studies based on single measurement of risk factors.

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English summary: General civil service qualifications and local authority appointments (s. 721)

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This article sets out to study the profile of Swiss administrative elites at federal level by showing how their profile has evolved in the light of what has come to be known as the wave of New Public Management (NPM), which has benefited from a very fertile ground in Switzerland. These elites correspond to a specific institutional order, in relation to specific organizational structures and workings, and have specific characteristics in terms of career paths and academic background. However, the administrative reforms that have been rolled out since the 1980s have transformed the institutional order within which executives of the federal administration evolve. This article analyses the extent to which these transformations have had an impact on the characteristics of these elites, through indicators such as academic capital, social capital, and career path within and outside the administration. The results show a slow but significant transformation in the profiles of these elites towards an increasing managerialization, reflecting that of the context in which they evolve.Points for practitioners The relationship between politics and the administration is naturally shaped by individuals but is closely dependent on the profiles of the players. They are currently undergoing a transformation in the wake of administrative reforms, and also of the changing profiles of both the political and administrative players. Gaining an insight into the slow transformation of the profiles of administrative elites therefore sheds light on the political-administrative nexus. The gradual managerialization of the administrative elite highlighted in this article also allows for a better understanding of which professional experiences, qualifications and skills are valued today within the senior civil service in Switzerland.

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Opium purchasing campaigns, initiated in 1915, were abruptly interrupted ten years later following the discovery that the Douanes & Régies of the General Government of Indochina had been victim of a gigantic fraud. Various inquiries expedited with a view to establishing responsibility for the fiasco, involving purchases made at Luang Prabang in 1925, highlight the dysfunctions affecting the colonial civil service. The 1925 scandal revealed not only the difficulties encountered by the French in their attempts to control the drug trade, but also the prevailing circumstantial inefficiency of the colonial bureaucracy.

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Tutkielman tavoite: Tutkielman tavoitteena on kuvata ja arvioida erään organisaation muutosprosessia, jonka seurauksena virastomallista organisaatiota ollaan muuttamassa paremmin kilpailuille markkinoille sopivaan liikelaitosmuotoon. Tutkielmassa selvitetään, miten siirtyminen budjettitaloudesta ansaintatalouteen vaikuttaa tutkittavan organisaation johtamiseen, henkilöstön asenteisiin ja työtapoihin sekä koko organisaation toimivuuteen. Tutkielman ongelma on muotoiltu seuraavasti: Mikä motivoi ja sitouttaa virastoaikana työssä ollutta henkilöstöä muutokseen, jossa ”turvallisesta” virastomallista ollaan siirtymässä asteittain kilpailtujen markkinoiden epävarmuuteen? Tutkimusmenetelmä: Tutkielman tutkimusstrategiaksi valittiin kvantitatiivinen survey –tutkimus ja aineistonkeruumenetelmäksi lomakekysely. Tutkielman teoreettinen viitekehys muodostuu aikaisemmista tutkimuksista, jotka käsittelevät: muutoksen vaikutuksia liiketoimintaan, muutokseen sitoutumisista, muutoksen johtamista, yksilön asemaa muutoksessa sekä muutosta julkisella sektorilla. Tutkielman tulokset ja johtopäätökset: Tutkittavan organisaation virastoaikainen henkilöstö on tämän tutkielman perusteella erittäin sitoutunut organisaatioonsa ja erittäin motivoitunut tekemään työtä organisaation menestyksen eteen myös tulevaisuudessa. Eniten virastoaikaista henkilöstöä motivoi tekemään työtä uusissa olosuhteissa mahdollisuus oppia uusia asioita sekä onnistuneesti tehdyn työn tuottama hyvän olon tunne. Tutkielmassa myös selvisi, että organisaatioon sitoutumisen aste sekä suhtautuminen muutokseen ovat suoraan verrannollisia organisaatioasemaan. Mitä korkeammassa asemassa henkilö organisaatiossa on, sitä sitoutuneempi hän organisaatioon on ja sitä positiivisemmin hän muutokseen suhtautuu. Organisaatiomuutos on tutkittavassa organisaatiossa ollut vaikea prosessi ja se on vaikuttanut jokaiseen organisaation yksilöön. Henkilöstön työmäärä, vaatimukset työtä kohtaan, sisäinen kilpailu, kiire ja näistä kaikista johtuen myös stressi ovat lisääntyneet virastoajasta. Myös henkilöstöresursseja on muutoksen seurauksena jouduttu karsimaan. Kokonaisuudessaan organisaatiomuutos on henkilöstön mielestä ollut melko positiivinen asia ja sen on nähty parantaneen organisaation toiminnan tehokkuutta.

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Canadians appear to hold the activities of those in government and in big business in low esteem. Media reports of several high-profile political and corporate instances of unethical conduct have reinforced the public's concern for the status of ethical conduct and honesty in government and in big business. The response by public and private sector managers to unethical conduct by employees is largely in the form of 'ethical rules' which both sectors agree provide a measure of certainty as to the ethical conduct expected from employees. Since research on ethics in the public and private sectors is limited and since ethics is a topic of increasing concern to both sectors, this thesis provides data that could assist managers in dealing with the issue of ethical conduct within their respective organizations. The purpose of this thesis is to compare the state of ethical conduct within public and private sector organizations in Canada. This is accomplished through a description and analysis of the approaches taken by the public and private sectors as well as the four professions of law, engineering, accountancy and medicine. Ethical conduct within the public sector focuses on the ethical behaviour of public servants rather than elected officials. The underlying intent of this thesis is to discover if contemporary ethical problems are similar in the public and iv private sectors with respect to the four ethical areas of conflict of interest, political activity, problem public comment and confidentiality. The comparative data on both public and private sector ethics are assessed and similarities and differences are identified. One major finding emerges from this study. Codes of ethics in both the public and private sectors are perceived by management to play an important role in the prevention of unethical conduct. A procedure for developing a code of ethics is presented along with recommendations as to the administration of a code of ethics. Finally, recommendations are made as to the role of education in ethics.

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The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.

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La réforme de la fonction publique de 1908 constitue un moment décisif dans le développement de l’appareil étatique canadien. En effet, elle rejette un système jusque-là fondé sur le favoritisme, pour introduire les principes du mérite, de l’indépendance et de la neutralité des fonctionnaires, principes qui régissent encore aujourd'hui la fonction publique canadienne. Ces changements se produisent à la suite d’une longue réflexion sur la nature de la fonction publique, amorcée au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, qui trouve largement écho dans le monde anglo-américain, mais qui s’est souvent butée à l'intérêt des politiciens pour le statu quo. Même si les grandes idées de réforme de la fonction publique sont connues, voire acceptées par certains dès les années 1870, ce n’est qu’à la suite du dépôt du rapport de la commission royale d’enquête de 1907-1908 que les politiciens y acquiescent en pratique et entreprennent des changements majeurs, en 1908. Le mémoire s’intéresse plus précisément à cette commission royale d’enquête de 1907-1908 et à la réforme législative qui s'ensuit, en 1908, épisode méconnu de l'histoire politique canadienne et assez peu documenté. L’étude cherche tout d’abord à déterminer le contexte politique et idéologique présidant à la création de cette commission d’enquête, puis en examine les travaux en profondeur afin de démontrer comment ses constats et recommandations ont poussé le gouvernement canadien à réformer la fonction publique et les principes directeurs qui en guident l'action. Cela fait, nous analyserons les différents éléments de la réforme elle-même, dans le but de voir comment elle rompt avec les conceptions qu'on entretient jusque-là et comment elle s’inscrit dans un nouveau cadre idéologique, produit d’une vision libérale de l’État.

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La décentralisation implantée en 2004 au Niger, a pour objectif de promouvoir le développement « par le bas » et de diffuser les principes démocratiques dans les milieux locaux, afin d’améliorer les conditions de vie des populations. Les recherches sur le sujet font état d’un écart considérable entre les objectifs et les réalisations de la décentralisation. Les facteurs avancés pour expliquer cet écart sont entre autres, le faible appui technique et financier de l’État envers les collectivités territoriales ou encore la quasi-inexistence d’une fonction publique locale qualifiée et apte à prendre en charge les projets de décentralisation. Toutefois, ces observations s’avèrent insuffisantes pour rendre compte des difficultés rencontrées par les acteurs de la décentralisation au Niger. Nous affirmons que les partis politiques jouent un rôle fondamental dans le processus de décentralisations. Ceux-ci diffusent des stratégies d’influence politique et de patronage dans les arènes locales. Les stratégies des partis politiques entravent les initiatives des acteurs locaux, notamment leur capacité de mobilisation des ressources financières.

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This paper examines key aspects of Japanese Government personnel practices, and draws comparisons with the practices in the U.S. civil service and, as appropriate, with other U.S. models. Particular reference is made to the practices of two major agencies in Japan, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) and the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications (MPT). As appropriate, selected government businesses practices other than personnel practices are noted.