905 resultados para Power Relations


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Why some powers manage to coordinate their security efforts while others confront each other as rivals is still one of the most relevant and debated questions in the field of IR theory. The dissertation wants to give a contribution to this important debate. In particular, the main goal of the research is to analyse the dynamics of great power interactions after the end of hegemonic conflicts, that is to understand why, following the defeat of the common enemies, some of the winning allies continue to cooperate, while others begin to engage in political and military competition. In order to understand this difference, the study compares the explanatory value of two rival theoretical perspectives: neorealism, in its main version of the balance of power framework, and a liberal approach focused on domestic politics. The thesis is divided in two sections. In the first, I do summarize the main assumptions and predictions of the theories, from which I derive two different sets of hypotheses on the evolution of post-war great power relations. In the second part, I test the hypotheses by focusing on two cases of post-war alignment dynamics: 1) the relations among Austria, Prussia, Russia, Great Britain and France after the Napoleonic wars; 2) the relations among the US, the UK, France and Italy after the end of WWI. The historical cases disconfirm the logic of the balance of power and confirm the liberal hypotheses, seeing that the results of the analysis show changes in the domestic structures of the great powers had a much larger impact on the emergence of new alliances and rivalries than did the international distribution of power. In the conclusion of the dissertation, I provide the reader with a discussion of the main theoretical implications of the empirical findings.

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La tesi di Marco Perez intitolata “Luis Arana e i veterani di Euzkeldun Batzokija: la corrente ortodossa del nazionalismo basco”, può essere considerata come la biografia politica di uno dei personaggi più importanti del nazionalismo basco. Il lavoro di ricerca si centra fondamentalmente sull'ispiratore del nazionalismo euskaldun (e cofondatore del Partido Nacionalista Vasco) e della corrente che ne accompagnò e sostenne l'azione politica. Euzkeldun Batzokija fu il nome dato al primo circolo del PNV, fondato da Luis e Sabino Arana nel 1894. Successivamente, gli statuti del circolo e i suoi membri veterani furono presi come modello del nazionalismo primordiale (che si pretendeva definire sull'esempio dell'Ordine gesuita). Sul piano organizzativo la tesi si divide in sette capitoli che ricostruiscono il percorso politico di Luis Arana, dai primi documenti del 1879 fino alle ultime lettere inviate negli anni quaranta. Si tratta di un lungo periodo, che comprende momenti diversi della storia spagnola (dalle guerre carliste alla Guerra Civile spagnola) e del movimento aranista. In questo senso, sulla base di una generale e comparata riflessione sul nazionalismo, si analizza il movimento basco nei suoi rapporti con la modernità. Una realazione costruita attraverso concetti “diacronicamente” legati a un passato mitico e leggendario e comunque subalterna ai rapporti di forza tra le correnti del PNV. La corrente ortodossa fece sempre riferimento al nazionalismo “originario” (definito dai fratelli Arana nei primi anni del movimento) che fu un'espressione regionale del nazionalcattolicesimo spagnolo. Fu proprio Luis Arana a ricordare la finalità religiosa ed etnica del nazionalismo basco, respingendo qualsiasi aggiornamento teorico e organizzativo del PNV, intesi come una grave violazione dell'ortodossia aranista.

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Gegenstand der vorliegenden Arbeit sind die aktuellen Prozesse der Demokratisierung und der Dezentralisierung in Kamerun. Anhand eines Fallbeispiels wird dargestellt, welche Auswirkungen diese Prozesse auf das lokale Machtgefüge einer Gemeinde haben können. Das Ziel der Arbeit ist es, die Forschungsergebnisse aus der Gemeinde Foumbot eingebettet in den sozialwissenschaftlichen Diskurs um Demokratisierungs- und Dezentralisierungsprozesse in Afrika zu analysieren. Dabei werden mit Hilfe des akteursorientierten Ansatzes die wichtigsten Akteursgruppen der lokalen politischen Arena Foumbots zunächst im nationalen und regionalen Kontext dargestellt, bevor ihre Beziehung zueinander auf der lokalen Ebene analysiert wird. Die zentrale Fragestellung lautet: „Welche Auswirkungen haben die Demokratisierungs- und Dezentralisierungsprozesse auf das lokale Machtgefüge einer Gemeinde?“ Die Hypothese ist, dass die gesellschaftliche Dynamik, die durch die Demokratisierung ausgelöst wurde, durch die Dezentralisierung gehemmt wird. Der Dezentralisierungsprozess verstärkte die Heterogenität der lokalen politischen Arena, indem er neuen, demokratisch legitimierten Akteuren einen Machtzugang eröffnete. Gleichzeitig verstärkte er auch die Konflikte zwischen den Akteursgruppen, da der Machtgewinn einer Gruppe immer mit dem Machtverlust anderer Gruppen verbunden ist. Diese Konflikte blockieren nicht nur die neue, dezentralisierte Kommune, sondern letztlich den Dezentralisierungsprozess selbst.

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Questa tesi punta a ricostruire il pensiero politico di Bell tra il secondo dopoguerra e la metà degli anni Settanta. In tale arco cronologico, la riflessione politica di Bell si profila, per usare una formula di Jean-François Lyotard, come una «grande narrazione» del capitalismo. Nel complesso, cioè, l’opera di Bell appare come una storia sociologica del capitalismo, che nella fine delle ideologie registra l’apogeo del fordismo e, in seguito, ne mette in luce le trasformazioni in senso post-industriale, indagando le ricadute che tali mutamenti implicano sul piano dei rapporti di potere e della legittimazione del sistema. Nell’ottica di Bell, pertanto, il capitalismo non costituisce soltanto un sistema economico, ma la forma specifica attraverso cui si dispiega la società nel suo complesso, attivando una serie di rapporti di potere mediante i quali gli individui vengono coordinati e subordinati. Una siffatta concezione del capitalismo agisce immediatamente la questione del potere e solleva un interrogativo a esso connesso: «che cosa tiene insieme una società?». Una domanda che attraversa la traiettoria intellettuale di Bell e, sia pure declinata mediante una terminologia sociologica, riflette in realtà l’ambizione delle scienze sociali di farsi teoria politica. Esse si presentano quindi come teoria politica della modernità, nella misura in cui distinguono il potere sociale dal potere politico e, al tempo stesso, instaurano tra i due poli una tensione dialettica produttiva. Mettendo a fuoco la concettualizzazione del potere nell’opera di Bell si analizzeranno le mutazioni nel rapporto tra Stato e società negli Stati Uniti durante la Golden Age del capitalismo. In particolare, si metterà in luce nella grande narrazione di Bell l’ascesa e il declino di un ordine istituzionale che, alla metà degli anni Settanta, appare percorso da molteplici tensioni politiche e sociali che preannunciano l’avvento dell’età globale e il bisogno di una nuova “scala” di governo.

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Questa ricerca, suddivisa in due parti, si concentra sulle problematiche connesse alla normazione della vita e dei corpi delle donne al tempo delle biotecnologie. La Parte I è una genealogia filosofico-politica che ripercorre le tappe analitico-concettuali del dibattito intorno a biopolitica e tecnoscienza, a partire dai contributi teorici di poststrutturalismo e femminismo neomaterialista, e risponde alle domande: Cosa sono diventati i corpi nell’attuale società bio-info-modificata? Qual'è il ruolo delle scienze nelle metamorfosi che interessano soggettività e rapporti di potere? La Parte II è una cartografia dei modi in cui le biotecnologie, riguardanti i corpi delle donne, si sono sviluppate e diffuse. Essa indaga in modo transdisciplinare come in Italia, e più in generale in Europa, sono state normate le tecniche di interruzione volontaria di gravidanza e fecondazione in vitro. Ampio spazio è dedicato ai modi in cui gli attori della bioetica, istituzionale e non, i medici, laici e cattolici, e le case farmaceutiche hanno affrontato questi temi e quello della contraccezione ormonale maschile. Medicina riproduttiva e rigenerativa sono tematizzate sempre in relazione al quadro normativo, per mostrare in che modo esso influenzi l’accesso ai diritti alla salute e all’autodeterminazione delle donne. Il quadro normativo è analizzato, a sua volta, alla luce dei fatti storici più rilevanti e delle culture più diffuse. L’obiettivo della ricerca è duplice: da un lato essa ha il fine di mostrare il modo in cui i corpi delle donne, e la relativa potenza generatrice, siano diventati uno snodo fondamentale nell’articolazione del biocontrollo e nell'apertura dei nuovi mercati legati a medicina riproduttiva e rigenerativa; dall’altro si propone di argomentare come un biodiritto flessibile, a contenuto storico variabile, condiviso e partecipato, sia un’ipotesi praticabile e virtuosa, utile all'eliminazione del gender gap ancora esistente in materia di diritti riproduttivi e sessuali.

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La ricerca analizza il tema della relazione tra storia e narrazione nella letteratura degli ultimi quindici anni in tre contesti nazionali: Italia, Spagna e Portogalo. Per indagare un campo così vasto si sono identificate tre direttrici principali connesse tra loro, coincidenti con tre "crisi": la crisi del rapporto tra letteratura e mercato, la crisi del concetto di verità e la crisi dello stato nazione. Attraverso le riflessioni sul postmoderno (Lyotard, Jameson Hutcheon) e l’analisi di Bourdieu si indaga il rapporto tra mercato e autore letterario, facendo particolare riferimento ai percorsi letterari di Rafael Chirbes, Mia Couto e Wu Ming. Il tema della forma letteraria è invece letto atttraverso le analisi di Hutcheon e analizzando i testi di Helder Macedo (Pedro e Paula), Isaac Rosa (¡Otra maldita novela sobre la guerra civil!) e Tommaso De Lorenzis-Guido Favale (L’aspra stagione). La crisi del concetto di verità viene analizzata alla luce del dibattito sulla storiografia nella seconda metà del Novecento. In particolare si evidenzia la tensione tra Hayden White e Carlo Ginzuburg. Per evidenziare come le relazioni di potere influenzino la narrazione della storia si fa inoltre riferimento alle analisi di Michel Foucault, Michel de Certeau, Stephen Greenbaltt e Gayatri Spivak. Si analizzano quindi Anatomía de un instante, di Javier Cercas, Romanzo criminale, di Giancarlo de Cataldo e As três vidas, di João Tordo. Infine ci si riferisce alla crisi dello stato-nazione individuando una tensione tra le analisi di György Lukács e Franco Moretti, e allargando la riflessione agli studi sociologici di Immanuel Wallerstein e Saskia Sassen. Inoltre, attraverso i testi di Benedict Anderson, Homi B. Bhabha, José Saramao e Eduardo Lourenço si articola una riflessione sull’immaginario politico nazionale. I testi analizzati sono Victus, di Albert Sánchez Piñol, Pro Patria, di Ascanio Celestini e A voz da terra di Miguel Real.

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Co-production of knowledge between academic and non-academic communities is a prerequisite for research aiming at more sustainable development paths. Sustainability researchers face three challenges in such co-production: (a) addressing power relations; (b) interrelating different perspectives on the issues at stake; and (c) promoting a previously negotiated orientation towards sustainable development. A systematic comparison of four sustainability research projects in Kenya (vulnerability to drought), Switzerland (soil protection), Bolivia and Nepal (conservation vs. development) shows how the researchers intuitively adopted three different roles to face these challenges: the roles of reflective scientist, intermediary, and facilitator of a joint learning process. From this systematized and iterative self-reflection on the roles that a researcher can assume in the indeterminate social space where knowledge is co-produced, we draw conclusions regarding training.

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Participatory approaches to conservation have been applied worldwide by governments and non-governmental organisations. However, results from a comparative analysis of the impacts of global change on management issues in 13 protected areas in Africa, Latin America, Asia, and Europe show that in many cases the involvement of local people has remained limited, and economic gains for local livelihoods have been limited or non-existent. Viewed from a ‘new institutionalist’ perspective and focusing on power relations and ideologies, the results of this study carried out within the framework of the Swiss National Centre of Competence in Research (NCCR) North-South show that in African cases local people do not feel part of the process and, therefore, become disengaged. In Asia, and even more so in Latin America, local indigenous peoples and their leaders support protected areas as a means to gain political rights over areas threatened by immigration. The European (Swiss) case is the only one where political rights and economic incentives present a context in which participation is of direct interest to local people. Meanwhile, recent debates on new global conservation developments in the context of climate change policy indicate a growing tendency to treat conservation as a commodity. We argue that this can have problematical effects on efforts to devolve power to the local level in the context of conservation.

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Erzsebet Szalai (Hungary). The Hungarian Economic Elite after the Political Transition. Ms. Szalai is a research fellow in the Institute of Political Sciences in Budapest and worked on this project from July 1996 to June 1998. In the period following the political changes of 1989, the leading forces of the economic elite have gained increasing superiority over the political and cultural elites, with the clear ambition of putting the latter to their service. The power relations within the economic elite were characterised by "a war of all against all". The desire to gain precedence over others became an openly declared value. The formation of estates and the intensification of competition became embodied in a multitude of lobbies which cropped up to assert short-term interests. After the state socialist period, possession of at least two of the social, economic and cultural forms of capital is necessary to join one of the three segments of the elite: political, cultural or economic. What defines the ability of the members of the three elite groups to assert their interests is their ability to convert any of the three types of capital into another. That is to say, the basis on which they can retain and extend their position is "symbolic capital" as interpreted by Bourdieu. The concept of symbolic capital is useful for describing the power relations following the collapse of state socialist systems and societies. In the state-socialist system, the political, economic and cultural spheres are tightly interwoven, and this interpenetration slackens only slowly after the system's disintegration. A close institutional relationship between the three spheres continues to make it easier for power actors to convert social, economic and cultural capital from one type to another. Symbolic capital, or the easy transfer between the three spheres, in turn reproduces the institutional relationship, or more precisely, complicates the separation of the three spheres after the fall of state socialism.

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The present paper discusses a conceptual, methodological and practical framework within which the limitations of the conventional notion of natural resource management (NRM) can be overcome. NRM is understood as the application of scientific ecological knowledge to resource management. By including a consideration of the normative imperatives that arise from scientific ecological knowledge and submitting them to public scrutiny, ‘sustainable management of natural resources’ can be recontextualised as ‘sustainable governance of natural resources’. This in turn makes it possible to place the politically neutralising discourse of ‘management’ in a space for wider societal debate, in which the different actors involved can deliberate and negotiate the norms, rules and power relations related to natural resource use and sustainable development. The transformation of sustainable management into sustainable governance of natural resources can be conceptualised as a social learning process involving scientists, experts, politicians and local actors, and their corresponding scientific and non-scientific knowledges. The social learning process is the result of what Habermas has described as ‘communicative action’, in contrast to ‘strategic action’. Sustainable governance of natural resources thus requires a new space for communicative action aiming at shared, intersubjectively validated definitions of actual situations and the goals and means required for transforming current norms, rules and power relations in order to achieve sustainable development. Case studies from rural India, Bolivia and Mali explore the potentials and limitations for broadening communicative action through an intensification of social learning processes at the interface of local and external knowledge. Key factors that enable or hinder the transformation of sustainable management into sustainable governance of natural resources through social learning processes and communicative action are discussed.

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In this dissertation, the National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) serves as a nodal point through which to examine the power relations shaping the direction and practices of higher education in the twenty-first century. Theoretically, my analysis is informed by Foucault’s concept of governmentality, briefly defined as a technology of power that influences or shapes behavior from a distance. This form of governance operates through apparatuses of security, which include higher education. Foucault identified three essential characteristics of an apparatus—the market, the milieu, and the processes of normalization—through which administrative mechanisms and practices operate and govern populations. In this project, my primary focus is on the governance of faculty and administrators, as a population, at residential colleges and universities. I argue that the existing milieu of accountability is one dominated by the neoliberal assumption that all activity—including higher education—works best when governed by market forces alone, reducing higher education to a market-mediated private good. Under these conditions, what many in the academy believe is an essential purpose of higher education—to educate students broadly, to contribute knowledge for the public good, and to serve as society’s critic and social conscience (Washburn 227)—is being eroded. Although NSSE emerged as a form of resistance to commercial college rankings, it did not challenge the forces that empowered the rankings in the first place. Indeed, NSSE data are now being used to make institutions even more responsive to market forces. Furthermore, NSSE’s use has a normalizing effect that tends to homogenize classroom practices and erode the autonomy of faculty in the educational process. It also positions students as part of the system of surveillance. In the end, if aspects of higher education that are essential to maintaining a civil society are left to be defined solely in market terms, the result may be a less vibrant and, ultimately, a less just society.

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Homelessness is a significant social problem worldwide. This paper describes an Australian study that examined print media representations of homelessness and social work, social policy and social work responses to homelessness in three Australian cities. The research included a content analysis of seven Australian newspapers and semi-structured interviews with 39 social workers employed in the field of homelessness in Adelaide, Melbourne and Sydney. The detailed results of these studies have been published separately elsewhere. This paper reports on how discourses in the print media, social policy and social work practice co-exist in constructing homelessness as a particular social problem, influencing social work responses to homelessness. The research found that individualism is central to many dominant discourses evident in the print media, social policy and social work practice, and that social work is practiced within unequal power relations embedded in organisational contexts.

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This article explores children’s participation and citizenship, taking its point of departure in the empirical observation of a paradox: On the hand there is a general participatory climate and a growing commitment to empowerment of children, and on the other hand some children’s experience of discrimination, disciplining and distrust. The analysis is structured into three main parts: 1) Participation, approached from Hart’s Ladder of Participation and Bourdieu’s theorizing of power dynamics; 2) Rights, using Marshall’s tripartite conceptualization, namely civil rights, political rights and social rights, supplemented by a discussion of the right to care and cultural rights; and 3) Identity, theorized using Delanty’s conceptualization of citizenship as a learning process The article concludes that children’s citizenship, and the initiatives that are accounted for as facilitating their well being and participation though social work, too often tend towards tokenism if not discriminatory disciplining and exclusion, rather than empowerment, due to political, organisational and discursively shaped power relations.

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The freezing behavior of water confined in compacted charged and uncharged clays (montmorillonite in Na-and Ca-forms, illite in Na-and Ca-forms, kaolinite and pyrophyllite) was investigated by neutron scattering. Firstly, the amount of frozen (immobile) water was measured as a function of temperature at the IN16 backscattering spectrometer, Institute Laue-Langevin (ILL). Water in uncharged, partly hydrophobic (kaolinite) and fully hydrophobic (pyrophyllite) clays exhibited a similar freezing and melting behavior to that of bulk water. In contrast, water in charged clays which are hydrophilic could be significantly supercooled. To observe the water dynamics in these clays, further experiments were performed using quasielastic neutron scattering. At temperatures of 250, 260 and 270 K the diffusive motion of water could still be observed, but with a strong reduction in the water mobility as compared with the values obtained above 273 K. The diffusion coefficients followed a non-Arrhenius temperature dependence well described by the Vogel-Fulcher-Tammann and the fractional power relations. The fits revealed that Na-and Ca-montmorillonite and Ca-illite have similar Vogel-Fulcher-Tammann temperatures (T-VFT, often referred to as the glass transition temperature) of similar to 120 K and similar temperatures at which the water undergoes the 'strong-fragile' transition, T-s similar to 210 K. On the other hand, Na-illite had significantly larger values of T-VFT similar to 180 K and T-s similar to 240 K. Surprisingly, Ca-illite has a similar freezing behavior of water to that of montmorillonites, even though it has a rather different structure. We attribute this to the stronger hydration of Ca ions as compared with the Na ions occurring in the illite clays.

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The observations of Michel Foucault, noted Twentieth Century French philosopher, regarding modern power relations and orders of discourse, form the framework utilized to analyze and interpret the power struggles of AIDS activists and their opponents--the religious and radical right, and the administrative agencies of the 'Liberal' welfare State. Supported by the tools of sociolinguistic inquiry, the analysis highlights the success of a safer sex campaign in Houston, Texas to illustrate the dynamics of cultural and political change by means of discursive transformations initiated by the gay micro-culture. The KS/AIDS Foundation, allied with both the biomedical community and gay entertainment spheres, was successful in conveying biomedical cautions that resulted in altered personal behavior and modified public attitudes by using linguistic conventions consonant with the discourse of the Houston gay micro-culture. The transformation of discursive practices transgressed not only the Houston gay micro-culture's boundaries, but the city boundaries of Houston as well. In addition to cultural and political change, moderate and confrontational gay activists also sought to change the cognitive boundaries surrounding 'the gold standard' for clinical research trials.^ From a Foucauldian perspective, the same-sex community evolved from the subordinated Other to a position of power in a period of five years. Transformations in discursive practices and power relations are exemplified by the changing definitions employed by AIDS policy-makers, the public validation of community-based research and the establishment of parallel track drug studies. Finally, transformations in discursive practices surrounding the issues of HIV antibody testing are interpreted using Foucault's six points of power relations. The Montrose Clinic provides the case study for this investigation. The clinic turned the technical rationalities of the State against itself to achieve its own ends and those of the gay micro-culture--anonymous testing with pre and post test counseling. AIDS Talk portrays a dramatic transformation in discursive practices and power relations that transcends the historical moment to provide a model for future activists. Volume 2 contains copies of fugitive primary source materials largely unavailable elsewhere. Original documents are archived in the Harris County Medical Archives in the Houston Academy of Medicine located in the Texas Medical Center Library, Houston, Texas. ^