858 resultados para Political traditions


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This study explores the meaning, content and significance of the political as manifest in the Mexican Zapatista movement as historically and geopolitically situated struggle. The case study undertakes a critical analysis of the development, organization, practice and discourse of the movement by drawing on fieldwork experiences, interviews, discussions, documents, films and other material produced by the movement, and the critical engagement with the research of others, especially in Latin America and Mexico. The dissertation poses the need to reconsider what constitutes and what we understand by the political , related particularly to the challenges provided by the critical globalization literature, decolonization and the study of social movements. The analysis encompasses several inter-related levels: the theoretical knowledge regarding the conceptualization of the political; the methodological level, regarding how such research can and should be conducted and knowledge claims formulated given the inescapable context and effects of global power relations; and the substantive level of adding specific information and analytical insights to existing knowledge of the Zapatista movement. As a result of conceptualization of a range of practices and processes, distinct understandings of the political can be underlined. Firstly, the conception of the indigenous and the struggles as indigenous movements as specifically political, not just a cultural or ethnic identity or a static quality but rather, an active consciousness integrally linked both to a longer history of oppression and as political articulation in the concrete context and lived experience of contemporary struggle. Secondly, the practice of autonomy as central to an understanding of the political in the context of the Zapatista struggle as a practical response to the situation of oppression, counter-insurgency, siege and conflict in Chiapas, as well as a positively informed mode of political self-understanding, expression and practice in its own right. Thirdly, the notion of geopolitical positioning as important to understanding of the political that encompasses the historicity of specific context and the power relations which shape that context, developed in two different ways: in regard to the positioning of the researcher and knowledge production with and about the Zapatistas, and in regard to the practice and knowledge of the Zapatistas as a decolonizing force in their encounters, interaction and relations with others, especially the global civil society. Finally, the role of silence, absence, invisibility, revelation and hiding in political practice as a deliberate strategy in response to oppressive power. -

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This study is divided into two parts: a methodological part and a part which focuses on the saving of households. In the 1950 s both the concepts as well as the household surveys themselves went through a rapid change. The development of national accounts was motivated by the Keynesian theory and the 1940 s and 1950 s were an important time for the development of the national accounts. Before this, saving was understood as cash money or money deposited in bank accounts but the changes in this era led to the establishment of the modern saving concept. Separate from the development of national accounts, household surveys were established. Household surveys have been conducted in Finland from the beginning of the 20th century. At that time surveys were conducted in order to observe the working class living standard and as a result, these were based on the tradition of welfare studies. Also a motivation for undertaking the studies was to estimate weights for the consumer price index. A final reason underpinning the government s interest in observing this data regarded whether there were any reasons for the working class to become radicalised and therefore adopt revolutionary ideas. As the need for the economic analysis increased and the data requirements underlying the political decision making process also expanded, the two traditions and thus, the two data sources started to integrate. In the 1950s the household surveys were compiled distinctly from the national accounts and they were virtually unaffected by economic theory. The 1966 survey was the first study that was clearly motivated by national accounts and saving analysis. This study also covered the whole population rather than it being limited to just part of it. It is essential to note that the integration of these two traditions is still continuing. This recently took a big step forward as the Stiglitz, Sen and Fitoussi Committee Report was introduced and thus, the criticism of the current measure of welfare was taken seriously. The Stiglitz report emphasises that the focus in the measurement of welfare should be on the households and the macro as well as micro perspective should be included in the analysis. In this study the national accounts are applied to the household survey data from the years 1950-51, 1955-56 and 1959-60. The first two studies cover the working population of towns and market towns and the last survey covers the population of rural areas. The analysis is performed at three levels: macro economic level, meso level, i.e. at the level of different types of households, and micro level, i.e. at the level of individual households. As a result it analyses how the different households saved and consumed and how that changed during the 1950 s.

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The announcement of Turkey as a European Union (EU) candidate country in the Helsinki Summit (10, 11 December 1999) marked a distinct change of identity policy and attitudes towards its citizens. A result in the shift of mindset has been the launch of the first public service broadcasting TV channel for Kurdish people on the 1st of January 2009. TRT 6 (Şeş) broadcasting in unofficial Kurdish language is run by Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT). The thesis attempts to elaborate on the discussions surrounding the launch of TRT 6, Turkey’s first public service broadcasting TV channel for its Kurdish citizens. The research aims at finding the discourses of multiculturalism and public service broadcasting through the mainstream Turkish newspapers, Cumhuriyet, Hurriyet, Sabah, Taraf and Zaman. The method used for the research is Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and the representative newspapers of the Turkish print media are under the question: How has the launch of TRT 6, as the first public service broadcasting channel of Turkey in Kurdish language, been discussed by Turkish daily newspapers in terms of multiculturalism and minority media? The most significant results of the research is that the concerning newspapers have mostly discussed the launch of TRT 6 in the same line with their political affiliation. Thus it is comprehensively concluded that the selected newspapers proved holding a high level of political parallelism, and low professionalism. However, it should be noted that Taraf differs itself from others while challenging the hegemonic discourses embedded in the articles of the other newspapers. Moreover, the study detected three types of discourses: Pro-multiculturalism discourse, Unification discourse, and Assimilation discourse. It can be concluded that in Turkey, media owners and even individual journalists have incentives to form ideological alliances with political parties, and media appears to be an instrument of power struggle. Today, Turkey seems to restore Kurdish identity in its identity policy and aims to proceed with the negotiation for membership of the European Union (EU). The country still strives to transform from the traditional nation-state to a multiethnic democratic state, with multiculturalism as a policy discussed throughout the two terms that the AKP government has been in power. However, this transformation is not an easy process because of the deep-rooted traditions of the nation-state structure that has also polarized the Turkish press.

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The thesis aims at analyzing concept of citizenship in political philosophy. The concept of citizenship is a complex one: it does not have a definitive explication, but it nevertheless is a very important category in contemporary world. Citizenship is a powerful ideal, and often the way a person is treated depends on whether he or she has the status of a citizen. Citizenship includes protection of a person’s rights both at home and abroad. It entails legal, political and social dimension: the legal status as a full member of society, the recognition of that status by fellow citizens and acting as a member of society. The thesis discusses these three dimensions. Its objective is to show how all of them, despite being insufficient in some aspects, reach something important about the concept. The main sources of the thesis are Civic Republicanism by Iseult Honohan (Routledge 2002), Republicanism by Philip Pettit (Clarendon Press 1997), and Taking Rights Seriously by Ronald Dworkin (1997). In addition, the historical part of the thesis relies mainly on the works of Aristotle, Immanuel Kant, Adam Smith, Quentin Skinner, James Pocock and James Tully. The writings of Will Kymlicka, John Rawls, Chantal Mouffe, and Shane Phelan are referred to in the presentation and critique of the liberal tradition of thought. Hannah Arendt and Seyla Benhabib’s analysis of Arendt’s philosophy both address the problematic relations between human rights and nation-states as the main guarantors of rights. The chapter on group rights relies on Peter Jones’ account of corporate and collective rights, after which I continue to Seumas Miller’s essay on the (liberal) account of group rights and their relation to the concept of citizenship. Republicanism and Political Theory (2002) edited by Cécile Laborde and John Maynor is also references. David Miller and Maurizio Viroli represent the more “rooted” version of republicanism. The thesis argues that the full concept of citizenship should be seen as containing legal, political and social dimensions. The concept can be viewed from all of these three angles. The first means that citizenship is connected with certain rights, like the right to vote or stand for election, the right to property and so on. In most societies, the law guarantees these rights to every citizen. Then there is also the social dimension, which can be said to be as important as the legal one: the recognition of equality and identities of others. Finally, there is the political dimension, meaning the importance of citizens’ participation in the society, which is discussed in connection with the contemporary account of republicanism. All these issues are discussed from the point of view of groups demanding for group-specific rights and equal recognition. The challenge with these three aspects of citizenship is, however, that they are difficult to discuss under one heading. Different theories or discourses of citizenship each approach the subject from different starting points, which make reconciling them sometimes hard. The fundamental questions theories try to answer may differ radically depending on the theory. Nevertheless, in order to get the whole image of what the citizenship discourses are about all the aspects deserve to be taken into account.

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Inspired by the demonstration that tool-use variants among wild chimpanzees and orangutans qualify as traditions (or cultures), we developed a formal model to predict the incidence of these acquired specializations among wild primates and to examine the evolution of their underlying abilities. We assumed that the acquisition of the skill by an individual in a social unit is crucially controlled by three main factors, namely probability of innovation, probability of socially biased learning, and the prevailing social conditions (sociability, or number of potential experts at close proximity). The model reconfirms the restriction of customary tool use in wild primates to the most intelligent radiation, great apes; the greater incidence of tool use in more sociable populations of orangutans and chimpanzees; and tendencies toward tool manufacture among the most sociable monkeys. However, it also indicates that sociable gregariousness is far more likely to produce the maintenance of invented skills in a population than solitary life, where the mother is the only accessible expert. We therefore used the model to explore the evolution of the three key parameters. The most likely evolutionary scenario is that where complex skills contribute to fitness, sociability and/or the capacity for socially biased learning increase, whereas innovative abilities (i.e., intelligence) follow indirectly. We suggest that the evolution of high intelligence will often be a byproduct of selection on abilities for socially biased learning that are needed to acquire important skills, and hence that high intelligence should be most common in sociable rather than solitary organisms. Evidence for increased sociability during hominin evolution is consistent with this new hypothesis. (C) 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

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In this article, we look at the political business cycle problem through the lens of uncertainty. The feedback control used by us is the famous NKPC with stochasticity and wage rigidities. We extend the New Keynesian Phillips Curve model to the continuous time stochastic set up with an Ornstein-Uhlenbeck process. We minimize relevant expected quadratic cost by solving the corresponding Hamilton-Jacobi-Bellman equation. The basic intuition of the classical model is qualitatively carried forward in our set up but uncertainty also plays an important role in determining the optimal trajectory of the voter support function. The internal variability of the system acts as a base shifter for the support function in the risk neutral case. The role of uncertainty is even more prominent in the risk averse case where all the shape parameters are directly dependent on variability. Thus, in this case variability controls both the rates of change as well as the base shift parameters. To gain more insight we have also studied the model when the coefficients are time invariant and studied numerical solutions. The close relationship between the unemployment rate and the support function for the incumbent party is highlighted. The role of uncertainty in creating sampling fluctuation in this set up, possibly towards apparently anomalous results, is also explored.

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Resumen: Este artículo considera la identificación de los reyes en los epitomes de la Dinastía XIII de Manetón, y su función en las tradiciones historiográficas del antiguo Egipto. A pesar del rechazo de larga data de la Dinastía XXIII de Manetón como ahistórica, aquí se argumenta que los nombres preservados en la Dinastía XIII son parte de una auténtica tradición historiografíca originada con el rey kushita Taharka. El artículo va aún más allá para sugerir razones específicas de por qué la Dinastía XIII fue integrada con otras tradiciones de listas reales, así como una reconstrucción histórica de tal proceso. Más aún, éste análisis identifica funciones específicas para los nombres que aún no han sido identificados, Psammus y Zet, en la versión de Julio Africano del epitome de Manetón. El argumento considera la perspectiva política y cultural de los reyes kushitas que eran responsables de una rama de la tradición de la lista de reyes y ofrece algunas interpretaciones de las prácticas reales kushitas a la luz de estas conclusiones.

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Resumen: El artículo recorre los antecedentes que dieron origen al Documento de la Comisión Teológica Internacional sobre ley natural, con particular referencia a las intervenciones de Juan Pablo II y Benedicto XVI. Presenta sucintamente algunos temas del documento, a saber: la búsqueda de un patrimonio ético común a la humanidad en las tradiciones culturales; la cuestión de la experiencia moral y la llamada interior a hacer el bien; la justificación filosófica de la ley natural; el orden político de la sociedad y el tema de Jesucristo, plenitud de la ley natural. También se consideran las tensiones que subyacen al mismo, con particular referencia a las problemáticas de modernidad ilustrada y posmodernidad, laicismo y laicidad y iusnaturalismo y positivismo jurídico.

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Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar las estrategias de las organizaciones socialdemócratas frente a los nuevos desafíos que surgieron con la crisis del petróleo y la aparición de los llamados “valores posmateriales”. Se profundizará en una de las principales: el aumento de la actividad política trasnacional y la creación de comisiones que trabajaron aspectos relacionados con el desarrollo, la seguridad, el armamentismo nuclear y el medio ambiente. Estas comisiones no solo constituyeron un importante cambio frente a las tradiciones precedentes, también influyeron significativamente los desarrollos posteriores en dichas materias

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Abstract: Although he is the most prolific writer of the Greek Anthology, Palladas’ life is almost unknown. But, in spite of the limited biographical data, his work has fortunately been preserved in the GA. Because of his literary creation, the old times rewarded him with the nickname Μετέωρος, high, since the literary merits of a hundred poems of his authorship was recognized (others are discussed by critics). A dozen of them contains invaluable information about the political, religious and social situation in Alexandria immediately after the victory of the bishop Theophilus, Cyril’s predecessor and uncle, during the conflict between Christians and Gentiles, each sector backed up by an Alexandrian population segment (cfr. 9.528, 10.82, 10.85) . Resigned at times, constantly demanding, Palladas complains about the decline of the belief professed by him due to the increasing penetration of the new faith. Therefore, four epigrams record the conversion of the temple of Tyche into a tavern (9.180-183) and 10.90 seems to attack the doctrine of the Resurrection. When religion and politics go hand-in-hand, when religious conspiracies link up with palace intrigues, consequences are predictable: a man called Doroteo denounced him for his negative response to the new dogma, which caused him the loss of his teacher paid work. His annoyance was even greater with further sufferings, chiefly economic, and he had to sell his books (9.171 and 9.175) among other desperate decisions Forewarned about his radical bitterness against Church, it is just to make clear that he is not fully acquiescent with ancient gods and heroes. Thus, in 5.257 he questions Zeus’ ars amandi, in 9.377 refutes Tantalus’ possibility of thirst and hunger in Hades and 9.773 mischievously points out that Eros has been changed into a pan. The work begins with the selection, personal translation and comprehensive analysis of twenty two epigrams. Through such philological aid, we attempt to verify the frictions and the main perceptible factors in his poetic creation to justify his worldview, according to the pagan sentiment widespread in that time before the twilight already overwhelming of its ailing traditions

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Trade and relations between the southern Levant and other regions of the Near East (mainly Egypt) during the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3,600–2,300 BC) have been the subject of many studies. Research concerning the exchange of local commodities was almost ignored or was discussed in parochial studies, focusing on specific archaeological finds. It is the intention of this paper to present the results of recent research of the exchange of commodities provided by archaeological data from excavations in the Southern Levant with regard to economic theories on the exchange-value of goods and exchange networks. Conclusions regarding the type of society and the forms of government in the Southern Levant during the Early Bronze Age are also presented.

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Unidos por motivos históricos, é inegável que tendo sido colônia portuguesa, o Brasil herdou valores e características do Parlamento português. Assim, esta pesquisa bibliográfica e documental visa apontar alguns aspectos relevantes para o entendimento da identidade política brasileira e das atuais feições do nosso parlamento. Por meio da comparação da trajetória histórica dos Parlamentos desses países, as particularidades institucionais atuais, assim como seus sistemas legislativos, tornou-se possível a identificação de determinados elementos de nossa cultura política. Esta significando o cotidiano, os comportamentos e ações de atores sociais, os rituais e as tradições parlamentares. Percebeu-se, ademais, que algumas práticas político-parlamentares brasileiras estão fortemente marcadas por heranças legislativas portuguesas, tais como a tradição do envio da Mensagem Presidencial no início de cada Sessão Legislativa do Congresso Nacional brasileiro, bem como o ato de abrir as sessões legislativas ordinárias e extraordinárias nos Plenários das duas Casas com menção a Deus, demonstrando a permanência de valores religiosos, fruto da colonização por um país fervorosamente católico como Portugal.