Tomorrow’s Silk Road: Assessing an EU-China Free Trade Agreement

The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound policy research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe. The views expressed in this book are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed to CEPS or any other institution with which they are associated or to the European Union. This book, commissioned by the Foreign Trade Association, aims to provide an independent and in-depth contribution on the status of bilateral economic exchanges and persistent trade barriers between the European Union and China. A second objective is to encourage a frank and open dialogue, based on a scientific evaluation and without prejudice, of the possibility of a preferential trade agreement between the two sides. The study was carried out by CEPS, in cooperation with the World Trade Institute at the University of Bern.

The impacts of US agricultural and trade policy on trade liberalization and integration via a US- Central America free trade agreement

Resumen Este estudio analiza importantes acciones legislativas del 2002 que afectarán sustancialmente las negociaciones comerciales con Estados Unidos; examina, asimismo, la protección de importaciones de ese país con respecto a productos agrícolas que serán críticos en las negociaciones con los países centroamericanos. Las acciones legislativas mencionadas fueron la aprobación del Proyecto de ley Agrícola del 2002 y la aprobación de la Autorización de Promoción Legal, que provee tratamiento del ‘trámite rápido’ de los acuerdos comerciales…

Portuguese footwear

This case study deals with the reasons why the Portuguese Footwear Cluster evolved from a small industry focused on the Portuguese internal market into a high-tech industry capable of designing and producing some of the best and most expensive shoes in the world. It went from using the low labor costs of an under-developed economy to produce long series of shoes for pre-designated brands in Northern Europe to having the ability to produce some of the highest quality shoes in the world, in small orders, designed and delivered in record timing, while offering a service of excellence. In 1960, when Portugal became a founding member of EFTA, the footwear industry in Portugal was globally irrelevant, producing low quality shoes directed to the puny internal market and its African colonies. The new free trade zone with economies much more developed that itself, led to the transfer of the labor-intensive, low skilled manufacture from the UK and Scandinavian countries to Portugal. Mostly through joint ventures, the industry was able to mechanize itself so it could produce shoes in long series at low prices. It grew based on that model up until the 1990s, when the emergence of the Asian countries meant either a different strategy or extinction. Taking advantage of a clarified leadership of its trade association, it used the European funds made available to it during the 1990s, to modernize its factory floors, so it could become more nimble and flexible, expand its design capabilities and dramatically change its image abroad. The role of the trade association, APICCAPS, was instrumental throughout the process going well beyond what came to be expected of trade associations. It used its privileged position to provide understanding regarding the current situation and competitive landscape, alerting for changes ahead and at the same time providing a strategic vision on how to deal with the challenges. Moreover, it helped companies get the resources they needed by creating a research center in collaboration with a University, by creating a process that allowed companies to learn from each other via the show casing of projects sponsored by the association or by helping industrials traveling to locations where new customers could be found. The case study provides insight on how the trade association leadership, which has no formal authority over its members, was able to guide and motivate an industry through a consistent positive approach. That approach focused on the solutions, on the opportunities and on the success stories of companies in the cluster rather than on what was wrong or needed to be addressed. Based on this case, one could use the leadership role of the trade association to discuss and change leaders’ roles and styles in other sectors or even companies.

Viabilidad de implementación de una zona libre en la zona de frontera colombo-venezolana, sector de tienditas

La zona fronteriza de Norte de Santander ha sido un territorio que a lo largo de la historia ha tenido periodos de grandes superávits para la población de la zona, así como periodos de crisis. La región fundamenta su vida económica, social y cultural en el intercambio que se realiza con Venezuela. En esta investigación mediante el análisis del estado actual de la región y por medio del uso de herramientas y análisis administrativos se estudiara la viabilidad de implementar una Zona Libre en la zona de frontera colombo-venezolana, sector de Tienditas. Con herramientas como las 5 fuerzas de Porter, pronósticos cuantitativos, diagramas de flujo, análisis cualitativos, etc. se brindara un mayor entendimiento de las fortalezas y debilidades de la región, flujo de productos y servicios en la frontera y las propuestas de mejoramiento, localización de la zona, sectores potenciales y legislación o propuestas que generarían un valor agregado a esta zona.

Estudio de factibilidad y oportunidades de las empresas Colombianas al crear zonas francas uniempresariales

Con el propósito de incentivar la inversión de las empresas colombianas, el Estado modifico sus políticas de Zonas Francas creando así las Zonas francas Uniempresariales; gracias a estas políticas, las empresas pueden ubicar una zona franca en cualquier parte del país con todos sus benéficos a cambio de crear empleo y unos montos de inversión estipulados. Por medio de un caso de estudio y un análisis de factibilidad se puede analizar en este trabajo que tan viable es para las empresas acogerse a estas nuevas políticas y que beneficios le trae.

Clusters de pequenas e médias empresas na área de produtos regionais: uma estratégia alternativa de desenvolvimento industrial sustentado na Zona Franca de Manaus

Este trabalho mostra que o fomento de clusters na área de produtos regIOnaIS - particularmente compostos por empresas de micro, pequeno e médio porte - representa uma estratégia alternativa econômica futura para a Zona Franca de Manaus - ZFM e o resto da Amazônia Ocidental. Além dos fundamentos teóricos relacionados aos clusters e pólos de desenvolvimento, o estudo baseou-se também nas evidências empíricas de quatro empresas de Manaus que operam com produtos regionais amazônicos. A pesquisa detecta a formação inicial de um cluster na área de produtos regionais que necessita de uma interação maior entre todos os agentes locais, a fim de ser operacionalizado. Conclui que estratégias econômicas para exploração das potencialidades regionais podem levar ao desenvolvimento de clusters de indústrias baseada na biodiversidade da região que usará matéria-prima local e conhecimento. Desta maneira, as estratégias de desenvolvimento sustentado podem trazer de volta muitos beneficios à região Amazônica e contribuir para a diversificação da atual base industrial da ZFM.

Emprego industrial no pólo industrial de Manaus na década de 90: expectativas, resultados e possibilidades

A década de 90 representou significativas mudanças no panorama político econômico brasileiro, especificamente no projeto de desenvolvimento regional denominado Zona Franca de Manaus. Esse projeto foi concebido, primordialmente para integrar essa imensa região Amazônica ao restante do Brasil, em termos de complexa ordem geopolítica dominante nos anos 60. A análise que objetiva essa dissertação trata da evolução do emprego industrial no Pólo Industrial de Manaus na década de 90, com a conotação de expectativas, resultados e possibilidades. A implementação do projeto Zona Franca de Manaus, no que concerne seu Pólo Industrial permitiu que contingentes de mão-de-obra abundante na capital do Estado do Amazonas, tivesse a oportunidade de inserir-se no mercado de trabalho do processo de industrialização moderna. Todavia, essa mão-de-obra abundante não estava preparada para o que as indústrias demandavam, sendo necessários intensivos programas de adequação profissional para que possibilitasse o aproveitamento em processos produtivos de linhas de montagem. o Pólo Industrial de Manaus, apesar de todas as mudanças havidas na economia brasileira no período analisado, obteve significativos alcance de competências na capacitação desse contingente de trabalhadores que foram absorvidos, quando o paradigma da intensividade do fator trabalho imperava no Pólo. Entretanto, o processo de mudança que a globalização econômica e industrial provocou no sistema de produção global, trouxe para o modelo industrial da Zona Franca de Manaus acelerada mudança desse paradigma, resultando variações na demanda por mão-de-obra e acarretando significativo desemprego estrutural. É desse contexto de mudanças que trata o estudo apresentado, analisando a evolução das variáveis que influenciaram no nível de emprego industrial e no mercado de trabalho, as expectativas de novos perfis e as demandas específicas que o novo paradigma de capital intensivo, adotado pelas empresas de classe mundial desse Pólo exigem.

A interação cultural : estudo de caso em uma empresa coreana no distrito industrial de Manaus

Trata-se de um estudo sobre a cultura organizacional em uma empresa coreana, a Samsung Eletrônica Amazônia S.A,. afiliada da Samsung Corporation, implantada no Distrito Industrial de Manaus, Estado do Amazonas, a partir de 1986, atraída pelos incentivos da Zona Franca de Manaus. A partir de uma pesquisa extensa, realizada em junho de 2001, pelo Setor de Recursos Humanos da empresa, foram selecionadas vinte e seis matrizes cujos resultados comprov_ lm a principal hipótese do trabalho: a de que a cultura da empresa pode ser a responsável pelos problemas existentes em sua área de produção, interferindo na qualidade de seus produtos. Das conclusões da pesquisa, portanto, infere-se que os dirigentes da empresa, todos coreanos, entram em choque com a cultura dos empregados na linha de produção, todos de naturalidade amazonense. Assim, os problemas entre essas duas culturas interferem negativamente em todos os indicadores da pesquisa, a saber: identidade, comunicação, liderança, percepção e interação.

Evolución de la industria manufacturera de exportación en Centroamérica, México y República Dominicana durante 2000-2006

Incluye Bibliografía

A dinâmica das inovações nas empresas do pólo industrial de Manaus: um novo momento relacionado aos constrangimentos ambientais a partir do ano 2000

Esta Tese tem como objetivo principal corroborar a teoria Neo-Schumpeteriana , que envolve as mudanças técnicas nos processos produtivos das empresas estabelecidas no Pólo Industrial de Manaus – PIM, no que tange a influencia da introdução das inovações e, em particular, das inovações ambientais sobre a medida de concentração de cada pólo industrial (indústria) que compõem o PIM. Os dados da pesquisa compreenderam dois níveis: dados secundários, levantados junto Superintendência da Zona Franca de Manaus – SUFRAMA – e que se referem à indicadores econômicos de desempenho das empresas, situadas no âmbito do PIM; e dados primários, coletados a partir da aplicação de um questionário às empresas do PIM cadastradas nessa Instituição. Na junção desses dois conjuntos de dados foi elaborada uma análise descritiva referente às variáveis qualitativas abordadas no questionário, além, da aplicação de modelo econométrico – Modelo de Equações Simultâneas – com os dados do questionário e dos indicadores econômicos selecionados. Os resultados obtidos corroboram a hipótese principal levantada no estudo de que as inovações e, em especial aquelas de caráter ambiental, têm efeito significativo e positivo no índice de concentração calculado. Ademais, foi constatado que as empresas consideradas, pela literatura, como poluidoras, são as que mais inovam do ponto de vista ambiental.

A modernização ecológica conquistando hegemonia nos discursos ambientais: o caso da Zona Franca de Manaus

A Zona Franca de Manaus (ZFM) foi criada em 1967 pelo governo da ditadura militar brasileira, de acordo com um discurso nacionalista que apresentava a região amazônica como um território estratégico que era preciso ocupar e desenvolver. Apesar de a visão do grande vazio não ter sido apagada do imaginário popular, desde os anos de 1970 tem ganhado força a percepção da floresta como herança cultural e biológica a ser preservada. Estas mudanças nos discursos mais gerais sobre a Amazônia foram acompanhadas por um deslocamento do discurso de legitimação dos incentivos fiscais gozados pelas indústrias de Manaus, em um movimento relacionado ao processo de construção de hegemonia no campo ambiental, marcado pela emergência da chamada modernização ecológica. Utilizando a análise crítica do discurso, este artigo mostra como se constituiu o argumento de que as empresas em Manaus protegem a floresta, assentado em um roteiro de dupla ameaça: de desemprego e de desmatamento. As informações e dados foram levantados por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semiestruturadas e observações diretas em reuniões e eventos corporativos. Fizeram parte do corpus, ainda, as transcrições oficiais de 64 pronunciamentos em plenário dos três senadores e oito deputados federais do Amazonas em 2007; 125 matérias publicadas no caderno de Economia do jornal A Crítica entre 1º de janeiro e 30 de junho, e quatro edições da revista institucional Suframa Hoje, no mesmo ano.

Investigación y análisis de la competitividad en el puerto de Veracruz (Estados Unidos Mexicanos)

Esta investigación describe la situación portuaria del estado de Veracruz, ubicado en México, con el fin de analizar sus capacidades, infraestructura y funcionamiento, permitiendo una visualización de los modelos usados por el puerto, registrar sus prácticas, entre otros. Partiendo del funcionamiento, algunas estrategias y destrezas que se realizan en el puerto Azteca se tomarán como ejemplo, asimismo se realizará un análisis para el puerto de Buenaventura ubicado en Colombia. Lo anterior, con el propósito que el puerto colombiano evalué algunas de estas estrategias y así logre un aumento en su competitividad, mejore su infraestructura, tenga mayor eficiencia y eficacia a la hora del cargue, descargue, distribución y despacho de mercancías. A partir de este estudio, se concluyó que el puerto de Buenaventura necesita mejoras en su capacidad para albergar buques con mayor capacidad de transporte, infraestructura ferroviaria y de grúas y la implantación de una zona de libre comercio.

The impacts of exchange rate volatility on vegetable trade flows

Trade flows of commodities are generally affected by the principles of comparative advantage in a free trade. However, trade flows might be enhanced or distorted not only by various government interventions, but also by exchange rate fluctuations among others. This study applies a commodity-specific gravity model to selected vegetable trade flows among Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries to determine the effects of exchange rate uncertainty on the trade flows. Using the data from 1996 to 2002, the results show that, while the exchange rate uncertainty significantly reduces trade in the majority of commodity flows, there is evidence that both short- and long-term volatility have positive effect on trade flows of specific commodities. This study also tests the regional preferential trade agreements such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and the EU, and their different effects on commodities.

Trick or treaty?: The Australian debate over the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement

The secretive 2011 Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement – known in short by the catchy acronym ACTA – is a controversial trade pact designed to provide for stronger enforcement of intellectual property rights. The preamble to the treaty reads like pulp fiction – it raises moral panics about piracy, counterfeiting, organised crime, and border security. The agreement contains provisions on civil remedies and criminal offences; copyright law and trademark law; the regulation of the digital environment; and border measures. Memorably, Susan Sell called the international treaty a TRIPS Double-Plus Agreement, because its obligations far exceed those of the World Trade Organization's TRIPS Agreement 1994, and TRIPS-Plus Agreements, such as the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004. ACTA lacks the language of other international intellectual property agreements, which emphasise the need to balance the protection of intellectual property owners with the wider public interest in access to medicines, human development, and transfer of knowledge and technology. In Australia, there was much controversy both about the form and the substance of ACTA. While the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade was a partisan supporter of the agreement, a wide range of stakeholders were openly critical. After holding hearings and taking note of the position of the European Parliament and the controversy in the United States, the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties in the Australian Parliament recommended the deferral of ratification of ACTA. This was striking as representatives of all the main parties agreed on the recommendation. The committee was concerned about the lack of transparency, due process, public participation, and substantive analysis of the treaty. There were also reservations about the ambiguity of the treaty text, and its potential implications for the digital economy, innovation and competition, plain packaging of tobacco products, and access to essential medicines. The treaty has provoked much soul-searching as to whether the Trick or Treaty reforms on the international treaty-making process in Australia have been compromised or undermined. Although ACTA stalled in the Australian Parliament, the debate over it is yet to conclude. There have been concerns in Australia and elsewhere that ACTA will be revived as a ‘zombie agreement’. Indeed, in March 2013, the Canadian government introduced a bill to ensure compliance with ACTA. Will it be also resurrected in Australia? Has it already been revived? There are three possibilities. First, the Australian government passed enhanced remedies with respect to piracy, counterfeiting and border measures in a separate piece of legislation – the Intellectual Property Laws Amendment (Raising the Bar) Act 2012 (Cth). Second, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade remains supportive of ACTA. It is possible, after further analysis, that the next Australian Parliament – to be elected in September 2013 – will ratify the treaty. Third, Australia is involved in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. The government has argued that ACTA should be a template for the Intellectual Property Chapter in the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The United States Trade Representative would prefer a regime even stronger than ACTA. This chapter provides a portrait of the Australian debate over ACTA. It is the account of an interested participant in the policy proceedings. This chapter will first consider the deliberations and recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties on ACTA. Second, there was a concern that ACTA had failed to provide appropriate safeguards with respect to civil liberties, human rights, consumer protection and privacy laws. Third, there was a concern about the lack of balance in the treaty’s copyright measures; the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations and remedies. Fourth, there was a worry that the provisions on trademark law, intermediary liability and counterfeiting could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy and innovation in the digital economy. Fifth, there was significant debate about the impact of ACTA on pharmaceutical drugs, access to essential medicines and health-care. Sixth, there was concern over the lobbying by tobacco industries for ACTA – particularly given Australia’s leadership on tobacco control and the plain packaging of tobacco products. Seventh, there were concerns about the operation of border measures in ACTA. Eighth, the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties was concerned about the jurisdiction of the ACTA Committee, and the treaty’s protean nature. Finally, the chapter raises fundamental issues about the relationship between the executive and the Australian Parliament with respect to treaty-making. There is a need to reconsider the efficacy of the Trick or Treaty reforms passed by the Australian Parliament in the 1990s.

A Submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties on the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 (# ACTA)

“If Hollywood could order intellectual property laws for Christmas, what would they look like? This is pretty close.” David Fewer “While European and American IP maximalists have pushed for TRIPS-Plus provisions in FTAs and bilateral agreements, they are now pushing for TRIPS-Plus-Plus protections in these various forums.” Susan Sell “ACTA is a threat to the future of a free and open Internet.” Alexander Furnas “Implementing the agreement could open a Pandora's box of potential human rights violations.” Amnesty International. “I will not take part in this masquerade.” Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament Executive Summary As an independent scholar and expert in intellectual property, I am of the view that the Australian Parliament should reject the adoption of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. I would take issue with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s rather partisan account of the negotiations, the consultations, and the outcomes associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. In my view, the negotiations were secretive and biased; the local consultations were sometimes farcical because of the lack of information about the draft texts of the agreement; and the final text of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 is not in the best interests of Australia, particularly given that it is a net importer of copyright works and trade mark goods and services. I would also express grave reservations about the quality of the rather pitiful National Interest Analysis – and the lack of any regulatory impact statement – associated with the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The assertion that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 does not require legislative measures is questionable – especially given the United States Trade Representative has called the agreement ‘the highest-standard plurilateral agreement ever achieved concerning the enforcement of intellectual property rights.’ It is worthwhile reiterating that there has been much criticism of the secretive and partisan nature of the negotiations surrounding the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Sean Flynn summarizes these concerns: "The negotiation process for ACTA has been a case study in establishing the conditions for effective industry capture of a lawmaking process. Instead of using the relatively transparent and inclusive multilateral processes, ACTA was launched through a closed and secretive “‘club approach’ in which like-minded jurisdictions define enforcement ‘membership’ rules and then invite other countries to join, presumably via other trade agreements.” The most influential developing countries, including Brazil, India, China and Russia, were excluded. Likewise, a series of manoeuvres ensured that public knowledge about the specifics of the agreement and opportunities for input into the process were severely limited. Negotiations were held with mere hours notice to the public as to when and where they would be convened, often in countries half away around the world from where public interest groups are housed. Once there, all negotiation processes were closed to the public. Draft texts were not released before or after most negotiating rounds, and meetings with stakeholders took place only behind closed doors and off the record. A public release of draft text, in April 2010, was followed by no public or on-the-record meetings with negotiators." Moreover, it is disturbing that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 has been driven by ideology and faith, rather than by any evidence-based policy making Professor Duncan Matthews has raised significant questions about the quality of empirical evidence used to support the proposal of Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011: ‘There are concerns that statements about levels of counterfeiting and piracy are based either on customs seizures, with the actual quantities of infringing goods in free circulation in any particular market largely unknown, or on estimated losses derived from industry surveys.’ It is particularly disturbing that, in spite of past criticism, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has supported the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011, without engaging the Productivity Commission or the Treasury to do a proper economic analysis of the proposed treaty. Kader Arif, Rapporteur for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the European Parliament, quit his position, and said of the process: "I want to denounce in the strongest possible manner the entire process that led to the signature of this agreement: no inclusion of civil society organisations, a lack of transparency from the start of the negotiations, repeated postponing of the signature of the text without an explanation being ever given, exclusion of the EU Parliament's demands that were expressed on several occasions in our assembly. As rapporteur of this text, I have faced never-before-seen manoeuvres from the right wing of this Parliament to impose a rushed calendar before public opinion could be alerted, thus depriving the Parliament of its right to expression and of the tools at its disposal to convey citizens' legitimate demands.” Everyone knows the ACTA agreement is problematic, whether it is its impact on civil liberties, the way it makes Internet access providers liable, its consequences on generic drugs manufacturing, or how little protection it gives to our geographical indications. This agreement might have major consequences on citizens' lives, and still, everything is being done to prevent the European Parliament from having its say in this matter. That is why today, as I release this report for which I was in charge, I want to send a strong signal and alert the public opinion about this unacceptable situation. I will not take part in this masquerade." There have been parallel concerns about the process and substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 in the context of Australia. I have a number of concerns about the substance of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. First, I am concerned that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 fails to provide appropriate safeguards in respect of human rights, consumer protection, competition, and privacy laws. It is recommended that the new Joint Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights investigate this treaty. Second, I argue that there is a lack of balance to the copyright measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences, and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations, and remedies. Third, I discuss trade mark law, intermediary liability, and counterfeiting. I express my concerns, in this context, that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy, and innovation in the digital economy. I also note, with concern, the lobbying by tobacco industries for the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 – and the lack of any recognition in the treaty for the capacity of countries to take measures of tobacco control under the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Fourth, I note that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 provides no positive obligations to promote access to essential medicines. It is particularly lamentable that Australia and the United States of America have failed to implement the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health 2001 and the WTO General Council Decision 2003. Fifth, I express concerns about the border measures in the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. Such measures lack balance – and unduly favour the interests of intellectual property owners over consumers, importers, and exporters. Moreover, such measures will be costly, as they involve shifting the burden of intellectual property enforcement to customs and border authorities. Interdicting, seizing, and destroying goods may also raise significant trade issues. Finally, I express concern that the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 undermines the role of existing international organisations, such as the United Nations, the World Intellectual Property Organization and the World Trade Organization, and subverts international initiatives such as the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. I also question the raison d'être, independence, transparency, and accountability of the proposed new ‘ACTA Committee’. In this context, I am concerned by the shift in the position of the Labor Party in its approach to international treaty-making in relation to intellectual property. The Australian Parliament adopted the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, which included a large Chapter on intellectual property. The treaty was a ‘TRIPs-Plus’ agreement, because the obligations were much more extensive and prescriptive than those required under the multilateral framework established by the TRIPS Agreement 1994. During the debate over the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Party expressed the view that it would seek to mitigate the effects of the TRIPS-Plus Agreement, when at such time it gained power. Far from seeking to ameliorate the effects of the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004, the Labor Government would seek to lock Australia into a TRIPS-Double Plus Agreement – the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. There has not been a clear political explanation for this change in approach to international intellectual property. For both reasons of process and substance, I conclude that the Australian Parliament and the Australian Government should reject the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011. The Australian Government would do better to endorse the Washington Declaration on Intellectual Property and the Public Interest 2011, and implement its outstanding obligations in respect of access to knowledge, access to essential medicines, and the WIPO Development Agenda 2007. The case study of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement 2011 highlights the need for further reforms to the process by which Australia engages in international treaty-making.