Traducción de un fragmento del libro NS-Offizier war ich nicht de Ute Althaus

El presente trabajo consiste en la traducción del alemán al español de un fragmento del libro NS-Offizzier war ich nicht (Ute Althaus), en el cual se aborda el tópico del nacionalsocialismo desde el ámbito familiar y bajo una perspectiva psico-social.

Growth, Democracy, and Civil War

Does economic growth affect the likelihood of civil war? Answering this question requires dealing with reverse causation. Our approach exploits that international commodity prices have a significant effect on the income growth of Sub-Saharan African countries. We show that lower income growth makes civil war more likely in non-democracies. This effect is significantly weaker in democracies; as a result, we find no link between growth and civil war in these countries. Our reducedform results also indicate that lower international commodity price growth has no effect on civil war in democracies, but raises the likelihood of civil war incidence and onset in nondemocracies.

The Three Horsemen of Growth: Plague, War and Urbanization in Early Modern Europe

How did Europe overtake China? We construct a simple Malthusian model with two sectors, and use it to explain how European per capita incomes and urbanization rates could surge ahead of Chinese ones. That living standards could exceed subsistence levels at all in a Malthusian setting should be surprising. Rising fertility and falling mortality ought to have reversed any gains. We show that productivity growth in Europe can only explain a small fraction of rising living standards. Population dynamics - changes of the birth and death schedules - were far more important drivers of the longrun Malthusian equilibrium. The Black Death raised wages substantially, creating important knock-on effects. Because of Engel's Law, demand for urban products increased, raising urban wages and attracting migrants from rural areas. European cities were unhealthy, especially compared to Far Eastern ones. Urbanization pushed up aggregate death rates. This effect was reinforced by more frequent wars (fed by city wealth) and disease spread by trade. Thus, higher wages themselves reduced population pressure. Without technological change, our model can account for the sharp rise in European urbanization as well as permanently higher per capita incomes. We complement our calibration exercise with a detailed analysis of intra-European growth in the early modern period. Using a panel of European states in the period 1300-1700, we show that war frequency can explain a good share of the divergent fortunes within Europe.

Urban mobilities: the anglo-catalan production of the Barcelona model

The aim of the project was to gauge the extent to which the so-called ‘Barcelona Model’ of urban transformation has been ‘exported’ to Britain and whether Barcelona has learned from British cities. We engage with the literature on successive British governments’ strategies for cities, focused on collecting data on contemporary policy initiatives and debates in the UK, did interviews in Manchester, London Barcelona and participated in the official visit of Leeds to Barcelona in March. Our research findings to date suggest that there is a good deal of mobility and interaction between Barcelona and the UK. However, it is by no means certain that this has resulted in definite instances of policy transfer. While the ‘Barcelona model’ has indeed featured in oficial discourse on urban regeneration in the UK, it does not appear to be the preferred best practice ‘model’ – other North American and European cities figure discursively as much, if not more. Where Barcelona does feature in official discourse, it is usually as an example of good design and an appealing urban aesthetic, rather than in terms of economic or social policy best practice. Our research suggests that the Barcelona model is seen as non-transferable to the UK due to the relatively more centralised governance structure therein.In contrast, evidence collected suggests that the Barcelona model is not influenced by UK British cities experiences but there is small evidence of being influenced by UK-based professionals.

International commodity prices, growth and the outbreak of Civil War in Sub-Saharan Africa

To learn more about the effect of economic conditions oncivil war, we examine whether Sub-Saharan civil wars aremore likely to start following downturns in the internationalprice of countries main export commodities. The data showa robust effect of commodity price downturns on the outbreakof civil wars. We also find that Sub-Saharan countries aremore likely to see civil wars following economic downturnsin their main OECD export destinations.

The aftermath of Civil War

Using an event-study methodology, this paper analyzes the aftermath of civil war in a cross-section of countries. It focuses on those experiences where the end of conflict marks the beginning of a relatively lasting peace. The paper considers 41 countries involved in internal wars in the period 1960-2003. In order to provide a comprehensive evaluation of the aftermath of war, the paper considers a host of social areas represented by basic indicators of economic performance, health and education, political development, demographic trends, and conflict and security issues. For each of these indicators, the paper first compares the post- and pre-war situations and then examines their dynamic trends during the post-conflict period. It conducts this analysis both in absolute and relative terms, the latter in relation to control groups of otherwise similar countries. The paper concludes that, even though war has devastating effects and its aftermath can be immensely difficult, when the end of war marks the beginning of lasting peace, recovery and improvement are indeed achieved.

The colonial origins of Civil War

The dominant hypothesis in the literature that studies conflict is that poverty is the main cause of civil wars. We instead analyze the effect of institutions on civil war, controlling for income per capita. In our set up, institutions are endogenous and colonial origins affect civil wars through their legacy on institutions. Our results indicate that institutions, proxied by the protection of property rights, rule of law and the efficiency of the legal system, are a fundamental cause of civil war. In particular, an improvement in institutions from the median value in the sample to the 75th percentile is associated with a 38 percentage points reduction in the incidence of civil wars. Moreover, once institutions are included as explaining civil wars, income does not have any effect on civil war, either directly or indirectly.

Malthusian dynamism and the rise of Europe: Make war, not love

This paper argues that Malthusian regimes are capable of sustained changes in per capita incomes. Shifting mortality and fertility schedules can lead to different steady-state income levels, with long periods of growth during the transition. Europe checked the downward pressure on wages through late marriage, which reduced fertility, and a mortality regime that combined high death rates with high incomes. We argue that both emerged as a result of the Black Death.

The three horsemen of riches: Plague, war and urbanization in early modern Europe

How did Europe escape the "Iron Law of Wages?" We construct a simple Malthusian model withtwo sectors and multiple steady states, and use it to explain why European per capita incomes andurbanization rates increased during the period 1350-1700. Productivity growth can only explain a smallfraction of the rise in output per capita. Population dynamics changes of the birth and death schedules were far more important determinants of steady states. We show how a major shock to population cantrigger a transition to a new steady state with higher per-capita income. The Black Death was such ashock, raising wages substantially. Because of Engel's Law, demand for urban products increased, andurban centers grew in size. European cities were unhealthy, and rising urbanization pushed up aggregatedeath rates. This effect was reinforced by diseases spread through war, financed by higher tax revenues.In addition, rising trade also spread diseases. In this way higher wages themselves reduced populationpressure. We show in a calibration exercise that our model can account for the sustained rise in Europeanurbanization as well as permanently higher per capita incomes in 1700, without technological change.Wars contributed importantly to the "Rise of Europe", even if they had negative short-run effects. We thustrace Europe s precocious rise to economic riches to interactions of the plague shock with the belligerentpolitical environment and the nature of cities.

Correspondance de MARCA avec F. BOSQUET. — Pièces diverses relatives à MARCA et à sa famille.

Contient : Lettres de Marca à François Bosquet (1er janvier 1654-28 avril 1662) ; en majeure partie autographes, rangées par ordre chronologique ; Lettre de Bosquet à Mazarin, 1er décembre 1643, — de Cl. de Rébé, archevêque de Narbonne, au même, du 17 novembre 1643 (copies de la main de Baluze) ; Lettres de Bosquet à Marca, en majeure partie autographes, rangées par ordre chronologique (13 mars 1640-30 juin 1654), parmi lesquelles (f. 90) deux lettres de Marca à Bosquet (14 mars et 28 avril 1662) ; Pièces concernant la famille de P. de Marca et sa biographie, parmi lesquelles on remarque : ; Deux lettres adressées à Marca par Marguerite d'Espenan (15 janvier 1660 et 13 décembre 1659 ; originaux.) ; Contrats de mariage de Jérome de Marca (12 février 1341-1342 n. st.) et de son fils Pierre (7 juin 1398) ; copies de la main de Baluze ; Notice sommaire sur Marca, par le même ; Note sur la famille de Marca, depuis 1118, et sur la vie de P. de Marca jusqu'en 1652 ; Généalogies des maisons de Lavedan et de Marca, de la main de P. de Marca ; Mémoires sur les maisons de la Marque en Gascogne et de Rivière en Bigorre ; placards imprimés, extraits du Dictionnaire de Moreri, éd. Vaultier (2 exemplaires) ; Donation d'une somme de 2.000 écus faite par Henri III à Arnauld d'Ossat, 18 juillet 1586 (original) ; Lettres écrites par M. d'Ossat à Thomas de Marca (10 mai 1559-mai 1562) ; Lettre du même à M. de Castille, receveur du clergé, 18 mai 1587 (original) ; Procurations données par le même pour la perception des 2.000 écus à lui attribués (11 février 1588-19 mai 1587) ; originaux, dont le second est accompagné d'un sceau de cire rouge sur cordelettes ; Notice sur la vie de Marca depuis 1652 [cf. supra, f. 117] ; Note sur les dates principales de la vie de Marca (en espagnol) ; Copie des certificats de tonsure, etc. de Marca (1608) ; Billet de La Reynie, 8 janvier 1703 (original) ; Nomination de Marca comme conseiller d'Etat, 15 novembre 1658 ; Note sur la nomination du même à l'évêché de Conserans ; Mémoire sur la censure faite à Rome du De concordia Sacerdotii et Imperii (imprimé de 2 pages in-fol. ; 2 exemplaires) ; Note sur les affaires d'Espagne ; « Commission à MM. les archevesque de Toulouse et evesque d'Orange pour convenir avec les commissaires du roy d'Espagne des limites des deux royaumes du costé de Catalogne. » ; Notes de Baluze sur le projet d'une nouvelle édition du De concordia, et mémoires envoyés par lui sur ce sujet à Le Tellier (21 juin et 18 décembre 1663) ; Arrêt du Conseil d'état condamnant les Lettres de l'autheur des reigles très importantes au sieur de Marca (imprimé de 7 pages in-4° ; Paris, 1659) ; Bref de N. S. P. le pape Alexandre VII escrit à Monseigneur de Marca, du 5 juin 1662 (imprimé de 4 pages in-4° ; Paris, 1662) ; Mémoire pour servir au jugement de l'instance générale de la régale (imprimé de 14 pages in-4° ; s. l. n. d.) ; Mémoire sur la censure du De concordia ; Profession de foi de Marca, renonçant aux opinions contraires à la doctrine de l'Église romaine émises dans le De concordia ; Note sur les derniers moments de Marca ; Note relative à l'affaire du De concordia ; imprimé, 2 p. in-4°, s. l. n. d ; Petrus de Marca lectori ; Barcelone, 14 août 1646 ; imprimé de 4 pages in-4° (3 exemplaires)

Registre des dépêches adressées à la Cour, principalement à Henri-Auguste de Loménie de Brienne, à Mazarin et à Hugues de Lionne, par Antoine DE LUMBRES, seigneur d'Herbinghem, ambassadeur en Allemagne et en Pologne. Minutes. (1652 et 1655-1666.). II Mai 1659-19 janvier 1662.

On remarque (f. 61-65) une copie du traité conclu à La Haye, le 21 mai 1659, entre la France, l'Angleterre et les Provinces-Unies.