“Seismic cultural change?”: British media representations of same-sex ‘marriage’

The legal recognition of same-sex relationships is a contested terrain that has been hotly debated by feminists. This article provides a social constructionist analysis of the UK newspaper media coverage around the time of the introduction of the Civil Partnership Act (2004). In examining the 348 national newspaper coverage over a three month period (November 2005–January 2006) we highlight three prevalent, and conflicting, themes: ‘same-sex marriage becomes legal under the Civil Partnership Act’; ‘couples will not get full legal status’ and ‘marriage is a heterosexual business’. We discuss these media representations and argue that the heteronormativity of the coverage provided little space for more radical constructions of same-sex relationship recognition.

A fresh look at S.54(2)

Examines the operation of the provisions of the Law of Property Act 1925 s.54(2) containing an exception to the rule that a deed is required in order to create a valid legal lease and conferring full legal status to short-term letting agreements created by parol, focusing on the requirements that the lease must take effect in possession and must be at the best rent reasonably obtainable without fine. Calls for the former of these two requirements to be amended and the latter abolished on the ground that they give rise to unnecessary complexity in the law and, in the case of the latter, uncertainty.

A constituição desmilitarizada: democratização e reforma do sistema constitucional de segurança pública

The normative construction of the public security system in the Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988 preserved paradoxical normative space, the military police linked to the Army with a restrictive legal statute of the police offices citizenship through a hierarchical and disciplinary model that is anachronistic. This research originates from the following problem: How is it possible to tailor the constitutional system of public safety, specifically the Military Police, according to the democratic paradigms constructed by the Constituent from 1988 and carry the right to public safety under these molds? The militarists limitations of the Constitution allowed the growing militarization of police departments, organizational culture and authoritarian institutional practices. Underlying this, the problems related to difficulties in realization of Right to Public Safety, the strikes of the military police, the incomplete policy cycle started demanding from the constitutional-legal system appropriate responses. Utilizing the dialogical method and an interdisciplinary approach to the subject, and theoretically grounded in overcoming of the constitutional normativist juspositivism.It was found that the constructed infraconstitutional legislation was insufficient to supply the systemic shortcomings of constitutional law, when looking to create a single system of public security without giving due scope to the federal principle and expand the autonomy the Federated States, and even grant democratic legal status to the military police. Formal legal limits imposed by the Constitution constructed a legal anachronism, the military police. Thus, a democratic reading of military police institutions becomes inconceivable its existence in the constitutional regulatory environment. Thus, reform the Constitution in order to demilitarize the police and conduct a normative redesign of the public security system is fundamental to Brazilian constitutional democracy

A democracia participativa na jurisdição constitucional brasileira: o amicus curiae enquanto mediador democrático no controle concentrado de constitucionalidade no Supremo Tribunal Federal

This master thesis aims to research the tension established between the judicial review and democratic theory which was always present in the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. In this regard, the expansion of the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction checked after the occurrence of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the inertia of the Legislature in disciplinary relevant legal aspects of Brazilian society contributed to a hyperactivity of the Supreme Court. However, in a complex society of context, as is the Brazilian society, there are contained demands and political controversies that hardly would be well represented or resolved through the action of the Court of ministers at the expense of other government bodies. Among the supremacy of Parliament and the legitimacy deficit of these magistrates, is the constitutional text and the social fabric that makes this legal status of the political. Participatory democracy established by the guidelines of the Federal Constitution requires this perspective when the Supreme Court acting in place of concentrated constitutionality control. In a plural society, there is no reason to get rid of state decision moments popular participation. Lack the Supreme Court, this time, the democratizing perception that the institute brings to the interior of the Court, as state determination of space in which to come together and meet the aspirations of society and state claims. The dissertation investigates thus the possibility of amicus curiae Institute serve as a mediator of the democratic debate, to assist the Supreme Court in the preparation of the decision is, historically, that which is of greater legitimacy, from the perspective of a theory participatory democracy. Analyzes, likewise, the unfolding of abstract judicial review in the context of Brazilian law. Proposes, incidentally, a rereading of the separation of powers, with the call for the Judiciary be careful not to become the protagonist of national political decisions. It maintains, finally, that procedural opening the interpreters of the constitution, through the amicus curiae Institute, shows up as able to decrease the legitimacy deficit in the performance of the Brazilian Supreme Court.

Profesionales de la educación en la Hispania romana

La epigrafía latina nos ha legado el recuerdo de doce docentes y un grupo de maestros de escuela en Hispania. Los diferentes textos, la mayoría de carácter funerario y procedente del ámbito urbano, nos aportan información acerca de las funciones que estos profesionales desempeñaron en la sociedad hispana, así como del contexto socio-jurídico del que provenían. En este sentido, la pieza más valiosa es la inscripción dedicada a un gramático llamado L. Memmius Probus en la antigua Tritium Magallum, gracias a la cual conocemos las circunstancias concretas en las que trabajó este educador.

Commentary on the Stationers' Royal Charter 1557

Royal Charter providing the Company of Stationers with corporate legal status within the City of London, and conferring on them exclusive control over printing within England. The grant of the Charter ensured that the Company's licensing procedures became the standard by which members of the book trade secured the right to print and publish literary works, giving rise to what is generally referred to as ‘stationers' copyright'.
The grant of the Charter by Mary is often understood as the point at which the monarchy established an effective regulatory institution to control and censure the press, in the guise of the Stationers' Company, in exchange for an absolute monopoly over the production of printed works. In fact, the commentary suggests that censorship of the press throughout the Tudor period remained an essentially ad hoc and reactive phenomenon, and that both Mary and Elizabeth relied, not primarily upon the Company of Stationers, but on the use of statutory instruments and royal proclamations to censure heretical and treasonous texts.

Home on a care order: who the children are and what the care order is for

Compared to children in other placements, there is much less known about the characteristics and needs of children in the UK who are returned to their birth parents with a care order still in place. That is in spite of evidence to suggest they face more difficulties than young people in other placements. Based on a 2009 census of looked after children in Northern Ireland, just under 10% (n = 193) were found to be living at home under a care order. Case file reviews were conducted for a quarter of these young people (n = 47) to generate descriptive statistics showing a very diverse population. That was followed by semi-structured interviews with members of eight families (ten children and eight birth parent/s), providing transcripts for thematic analysis. Nearly half of the young people whose case files were reviewed had experienced at least one home placement breakdown, but nearly two thirds had a stable last home placement. Care orders appeared to serve two functions: to give legal authority to social services for the monitoring of placements, and to facilitate family access to family support services. Replacing some care orders with supervision orders might better align legal status and actual function.

O Estado e o Associativismo Profissional e Sindical dos Assistentes Sociais em Portugal: trajetória e perspetivas atuais

Este estudo exploratório, de caráter descritivo, tem como objetivos compreender a relação do Estado com a organização profissional dos assistentes sociais nas diferentes conjunturas sócio-históricas da trajetória da profissão; conhecer o contributo do associativismo sindical e profissional para a organização dos assistentes sociais em Portugal; caraterizar as diversas formas de associativismo profissional e sindical dos profissionais de Serviço Social e compreender a importância da regulação profissional para a categoria. Na trajetória do Serviço Social no nosso país, identificámos várias estruturas associativas desde os anos 50 do século XX. Apesar dessa diversidade ao nível da organização profissional, nos últimos anos tem sido o projeto de constituição da ordem o que tem congregado os profissionais de Serviço Social, embora de forma fragmentada. Em Portugal não existe um estatuto jurídico de regulação da profissão de assistente social, sendo do interesse dos profissionais, utentes e sociedade que o mesmo seja efetivado. A criação de uma ordem profissional poderá vir a fortalecer o trabalho dos profissionais de Serviço Social, bem como proteger e regulamentar o exercício profissional e a formação académica. Com a erosão do Estado Social, as relações de trabalho tendem a ser desregulamentadas e flexibilizadas, subsistindo a precariedade e o desemprego. O enfrentamento a estas questões por parte do movimento associativo é ténue e a sua não articulação fragiliza a proteção dos profissionais, como indiciam a subsistente ausência da constituição da ordem profissional e a extinção do Sindicato Nacional de Profissionais de Serviço Social, apesar do ressurgimento do associativismo sindical durante o presente ano (2013). As condições atuais diferem das existentes aquando do processo de obtenção da licenciatura e estruturação e implementação das carreiras profissionais de Serviço Social que potenciaram e galvanizaram os assistentes sociais. A categoria profissional apresenta-se desmobilizada e com pouco poder reivindicativo, e as associações profissionais e sindicais vivem com constrangimentos financeiros, funcionando em regime de voluntariado, o que denota a insipiência da sua estrutura organizativa. A atual conjuntura justificaria uma maior convergência, debate e processos de resistência por parte das estruturas associativas face ao agravamento de políticas baseadas na austeridade, que têm reflexos no mercado de trabalho, formação e organização profissional. Parece justificar-se a existência de estratégias articuladas com maior clareza sobre o projeto para a categoria, apostando num debate que se faça com os seus diversos intervenientes. Desta forma, o associativismo poderá constituir uma alavanca que confira maior dinamismo às suas estruturas organizacionais, maior visibilidade e presença pública da categoria, mas também uma maior solidez das suas organizações, que não sendo corporativas ou elitistas, salientem o primado da ética do serviço sobre a ética do ganho. / This descriptive exploratory study aims to understand the relationship between the State and the professional organisation of the social workers in the different social-historical situations of the profession course; to know the contribute of the unions and professional membership drive to the organisation of the social workers in Portugal; to characterise the several ways of the social workers’ professional and union membership drive and to understand the importance of the professional regulation for the area. In the Social Service trajectory in our country, we have identified several associative structures since the 1950s. Despite this diversity concerning the professional organisation, the project of constituting the professional order has been responsible for the social workers’ congregation in the past years, although in a fragmented way. In Portugal, there is not a legal status of regulation of the social workers’ profession, and it is of the interest of the professionals, users and society that this may be brought about. The creation of a professional order may strengthen the activity of the social workers, as well as it may protect and regulate the profession exercise and the university education. With the Social State’s erosion, the work relationships tend to be deregulated and softened, persisting the job insecurity and the unemployment. The associative movement does not strongly face these issues, and its non-articulation weakens the professionals’ protection, as the permanent absence of the professional order creation and the extinction of the National Social Workers Union show, despite the reappearance of the union membership drive during the present year (2013). The current conditions are not equal to the ones existent in the process of obtaining the university degree and the structuring and implementing of professional careers in the Social Service area, which have strengthened and galvanised the social workers. The professional category is not mobilised and it has few claimable power; the professional and unions’ associations live with financial problems, functioning in a volunteering regime, which shows the insipience of its organisation structure. The current situation would justify a bigger convergence, debate and resistance processes on behalf of the associative structures regarding the worsening of policies based on austerity – this has consequences in the work market, training and professional organisation. It seems to be pertinent the existence of strategies articulated in a clearer way about the project for this professional area, investing in a debate among its several participants. Therefore, the professional membership drive may constitute a lever that can give more dynamism to its organisational structures, a bigger visibility and public presence of the area, but also a stronger solidity in its organisations which, being not corporative or elitist, may highlight the service’s ethics over the profit’s ethics.

Encaminhamento para ações pedagógicas com base nas vozes das pessoas com deficiência

Acompanha: A diferença está no saber agir: conheça!: educação inclusiva: dos documentos legais à realidade escolar

Opłata planistyczna. Studium finansowoprawne

Wydział Prawa i Administracji: Katedra Prawa Finansowego

Polityka Turcji wobec mniejszości muzułmańskich i niemuzułmańskich w świetle standardów Unii Europejskiej

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

Escravos e libertos no Boletim Oficial de Angola (1845-1875)

Este artigo apresenta e analisa os resultados da pesquisa sobre a matéria da abolição legal da escravidão e o estatuto jurídico dos libertos, no Boletim do Governo-Geral da Provincia de Angola, mais tarde Boletim Official do Governo-geral da Provincia de Angola, entre 1845 e 1875, tentando apurar se e em que medida as normas abolicionistas e a restante legislação suplementar tiveram efectiva aplicação nas províncias ultramarinas portuguesas e, mais concretamente, em Angola, durante o século XIX. O artigo completa a I parte, publicada no segundo número da “E-Revista de Estudos Interculturais do CEI”, em que expus e analisei os resultados sobre a matéria do estatuto jurídico dos escravos e sua libertação por manumissão ou por via judicial, no mesmo periódico e em igual lapso temporal.

Graphic satire and the rise and fall of the First British Empire: political prints from the Seven Years' War to the Treaty of Paris, c. 1756-1783

This thesis examines the early stages of the transformation of emblematic political prints into political caricature from the beginning of the Seven Years' War (1756) to the Treaty of Paris, which ended the American Revolutionary War (1783). Both contextual and iconographical issues are investigated in relation to the debates occasioned by Britain's imperial project, which marked a period of dramatic expansion during the Seven Years' War, and ended with the loss of the American colonies, consequently framing this thesis as a study of political prints during the rise and fall of the so-called 'First British Empire'. Previous studies of eighteenth-century political prints have largely ignored the complex and lengthy evolutionary process by which the emblematic mode amalgamated with caricatural representation, and have consequently concluded that political prints excluded emblems entirely by the end of the 1770s. However, this study emphasizes the significance of the Wilkite movement for the promotion and preservation of emblems, and investigates how pictorial political argument was perceived and received in eighteenth-century British society, arguing that wider tastes and opinions regarding the utilization of political prints gradually shifted to accept both modes of representation. Moreover, the marketplace, legal status, topicality, and manufacturing methods of political prints are analyzed in terms of understanding the precarious nature of their consumption and those that endeavoured to engage in political printmaking. The evolution, establishment, and subsequent appropriation of pictorial tropes is discussed from the early modern period to the beginning of the so-called Golden Age of caricature, while tracing the adaptation of representational models in American colonial prints that employed emblems already entrenched in British pictorial political debate. Political prints from the two largest print collections, the British Museum and the Lewis Walpole Library at Yale are consulted, along with a number of eighteenth-century newspapers and periodicals, to develop the earlier research by M. Dorothy George, Charles Press, Herbert Atherton, Diana Donald, Amelia Rauser, and Eirwen Nicholson.