901 resultados para Social justice - Government policy - Victoria


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State-owned enterprises in China have been given greater autonomy and responsibility, have freer access to foreign technology, and are being encouraged to form groups to gain from rationalization and integration. This article uses case studies to identify the key strategic issues that affect the commercial viability of foreign technology acquisition by state-owned enterprises within the context of enterprise reforms. All the case study enterprises used technology transfer to develop new or improved products. Technologies acquired as parts of subcontracting arrangements and well-established technologies to produce end-use products are easier to manage and operate profitably. However, the latter type of technology has been imported by numerous enterprises and has led to fierce competition and industy restructuring. Importing capital-intensive and complex technology to produce major components for products, such as cars, is more difficult and requires closer coordination with customers and suppliers.

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We chose the philosophical tradition of phenomenology as the qualitative methodology to study four women school leaders. Semi-structured interview data indicated that their professional experiences impacted how their leadership practices advance social justice in their education organizations, espouse the belief that equity matter, and exemplify the torchbearers of democratic ideals.

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The authors question the actions of National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE) leadership for removing social justice in the glossary of terms to describe dispositions for education graduates, trace the origins of the multiple discourses surrounding social justice, and argue for problematizing social justice issues.

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After the election of John Sweeney as President of the AFL-CIO in October 1995, activists and supportive intellectuals in the United States began thinking about how to revitalize the almost moribund American labor movement. A key part of this literature has revolved around the concept of “social movement unionism.” This term touched a nerve, and has garnered widespread usage in North America over the past two decades. However, most researchers using this term have no idea that it was initially developed to understand the new unionism developed by members of specific labor movements in Brazil, the Philippines and South Africa, a type of unionism qualitatively different from that found in North America. This paper argues that the term “social movement unionism” should be confined only to labor organizations developing the same type of unionism, wherever in the world such should be found. Accordingly, this concept should not be utilized in North America today as there are no labor centers or unions present that are developing this type of trade unionism. It is important to clarify this confusion because it is leads to incorrect understandings and miscommunication. Accordingly, the current situation—whereby the same term is used to refer to two qualitatively different social phenomena —theoretically works against efforts to build global labor solidarity. What about the progressive, broad-scope unionism emerging in North America over the past two decades? Taking a page from labor history, this article argues that the proper precedent is progressive unionism developed by the United Packinghouse Workers of America, CIO, and others, and therefore should be referred to as “social justice unionism.” An Appendix provides a measurement tool. The argument is empirically grounded and theoretically developed, allowing us to better understand trade unionism around the globe.

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Design embeds ideas in communication and artefacts in subtle and psychologically powerful ways. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu coined the term ‘symbolic violence’ to describe how powerful ideologies, priorities, values and even sensibilities are constructed and reproduced through cultural institutions, processes and practices. Through symbolic violence, individuals learn to consider unjust conditions as natural and even come to value customs and ideas that are oppressive. Symbolic violence normalises structural violence and enables real violence to take place, often preceding it and later justifying it. Feminist, class, race and indigenous scholars and activists describe how oppressions (how patriarchy, racism, colonialism, etc.) exist within institutions and structures, and also within cultural practices that embed ideologies into everyday life. The theory of symbolic violence sheds light on how design can function to naturalise oppressions and then obfuscate power relations around this process. Through symbolic violence, design can function as an enabler for the exploitation of certain groups of people and the environment they (and ultimately ‘we’) depend on to live. Design functions as symbolic violence when it is involved with the creation and reproduction of ideas, practices, tools and processes that result in structural and other types of violence (including ecocide). Breaking symbolic violence involves discovering how it works and building capacities to challenge and transform dysfunctional ideologies, structures and institutions. This conversation will give participants an opportunity to discuss, critique and/or develop the theory of design as symbolic violence as a basis for the development of design strategies for social justice.

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Nurses – along with many others – are often told that they should or must accept and work towards the promotion of social justice. Further, it is claimed that social justice represents or is a shared nursing value. This presentation challenges these assertions. Claims regarding shared values easily fall prey to forms of attribution error. Alternatively, while social justice is sometimes presented as a remedy or alternative to market disutility, the quality of arguments in which this linkage appears leave much to be desired and, in such instances, the robustness of these claims collapse. Or, assertions regarding social justice frequently appear without supporting explanation or justification. It is simply assumed that social justice (inadequately defined) is a ‘good thing’. This is not necessarily a problem. The normative strength of a claim does not rest only upon the arguments put forward in support of it. However, when social justice is advanced as mere assertion, often in a manner devoid of specificity, claims that the concept should be embraced and claims that the concept should or can promote action in the world, lack persuasive force. Moreover, in some articulations, the concept appears to generate illiberal and intolerant consequences. This presentation does not argue for inequality or social injustice. Rather, it suggests that underdeveloped and frail arguments require improvement or dismissal.

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The article explores consequences of socioeconomic stratification for milpa agriculture and for the organization of labor in a Lowland Maya peasant society. Both present-day and past situations are analyzed. The article includes a discussion of the concept of local social justice which serves as a framework of analysis of institutions that allocate goods and services and provide rules and norms for social interaction.

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In major cities today, there are neighborhoods that have been continually underserved and as a result are in decay. Private investors and developers turn to these particular neighborhoods, propose large developments that gentrify these areas, displacing communities and with them their social, political, and economic issues. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze South West, Baltimore, a community composed of 8 neighborhoods on the verge of being gentrified, by incoming development. Through investigating the key issues present in this community for many years, this thesis will attempt to develop a catalytic environment, which will facilitate change within the community by providing a place for its members to help tackle these issues, improving their circumstances, and the circumstances of the neighborhoods they form part of.