218 resultados para Eschatological opponent
Resumo:
The principal aim of this work was to investigate the development of the S-cone colour-opponent pathway in human infants aged 4 weeks to 6 months. This was achieved by recording transient visual evoked responses to pattern-onset stimuli along a tritanopic confusion axis (tritan stimuli) at and around the adult isoluminant match. For comparison, visual evoked responses to red-green and luminance-modulated stimuli were recorded from the same infants at the same ages. Evoked responses were also recorded from colour-normal adults for comparison with those of the infants. The transient VEP allowed observation of response morphology as luminance differences were introduced to the chromatic stimuli. In this way, an estimate of isoluminance was possible in infants. Estimated isoluminant points for a group of six infants aged 6 to 10 weeks closely approximated the adult isoluminant match. This finding has implications for the use of photometric isoluminance in infant work, and suggests that photopic spectral sensitivity is similar in infants and adults. Abnormalities of the visual evoked responses to tritan, red-green and luminance-modulated stimuli in an infant with cystic fibrosis are reported. The results suggest abnormal function of the retino-striate visual pathway in this infant, and it is argued that these may be secondary to his illness, although data from more infants with cystic fibrosis are needed to clarify this further. A group of nine healthy infants demonstrated evoked responses to tritan stimuli by 4 to 10 weeks and to red-green stimuli by 6 to 11 weeks post-term age. Responses to luminance-modulated stimuli were present in all nine infants at the earliest age tested, namely 4 weeks post-term. The slightly earlier age of onset of evoked responses to tritan stimuli than for red-green may be explained by the relatively lower cone contrast afforded by red-green stimuli. Latency of the evoked response to both types of chromatic stimuli and to luminance-modulated stimuli decreased with age at a similar rate, suggesting that the visual pathways transmitting luminance and chromatic information mature at similar rates in young infants.
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Sustained fixation of a bright coloured stimulus will, on extinction of the stimulus and continued steady fixation, induce an afterimage whose colour is complementary to that of the initial stimulus; an effect thought to be caused by fatigue of cones and/or of cone-opponent processes to different colours. However, to date, very little is known about the specific pathway that causes the coloured afterimage. Using isoluminant coloured stimuli recent studies have shown that pupil constriction is induced by onset and offset of the stimulus, the latter being attributed specifically to the subsequent emergence of the coloured afterimage. The aim of the study was to investigate how the offset pupillary constriction is generated in terms of input signals from discrete functional elements of the magno- and/or parvo-cellular pathways, which are known principally to convey, respectively, luminance and colour signals. Changes in pupil size were monitored continuously by digital analysis of an infra-red image of the pupil while observers viewed isoluminant green pulsed, ramped or luminance masked stimuli presented on a computer monitor. It was found that the amplitude of the offset pupillary constriction decreases when a pulsed stimulus is replaced by a temporally ramped stimulus and is eliminated by a luminance mask. These findings indicate for the first time that pupillary constriction associated with a coloured afterimage is mediated by the magno-cellular pathway. © 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
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We show that optimal partisan redistricting with geographical constraints is a computationally intractable (NP-complete) problem. In particular, even when voter's preferences are deterministic, a solution is generally not obtained by concentrating opponent's supporters in \unwinnable" districts ("packing") and spreading one's own supporters evenly among the other districts in order to produce many slight marginal wins ("cracking").
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Androgens regulate aggression in male vertebrates however the exact role they play in regulating aggression in females is not as well understood. Female aggression is commonplace in many vertebrate groups where it can provide various advantages to the aggressors. I explored whether androgens serve as important hormonal mediators of aggressive behavior in female electric fish. I paired adult females of the weakly-electric fish Brachyhypopomus gauderio in aggressive encounters and compared bloodtestosterone (T) levels of dominant and subordinate groups. Afterwards, I implanted a new set of females with the androgen 5a-dihydrotestosterone (DHT) and compared frequency of different aggressive behaviors to a blank-implanted group. I created dyads ofblank-blank (BB), blank-DHT (BD), and DHT-DHT (DD). I demonstrate that dominant females have higher T-levels than subordinates. I also show that the frequency of aggressive behaviors is dependent upon treatment type. Androgens increased both the intensity and level of female aggression, however the degree and type of aggressive behavior depended on the opponent being fought.
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Essa pesquisa tem como objeto a comunicação política com foco na propaganda eleitoral, no contexto da democracia midiática. Partindo deste princípio, delineia-se o problema de pesquisa: estudar como a propaganda eleitoral tem se apropriado do contexto da democracia midiática para expor suas mensagens, o uso entre a razão e a emoção, a venda de sonhos ao eleitor entre outros assuntos como as críticas ao adversário e as promessas que realizam. O objetivo da pesquisa é destacar os tipos de conteúdos elaborados para serem transmitidos aos eleitores que assistem ao horário eleitoral gratuito, analisar os argumentos, a qualidade e o teor de tais veiculações, assim como destacar as distinções entre eles, avaliando assim sua efetividade, suas principais características, o que os diferenciava e quais os recursos que usavam para atrair a atenção e o voto dos eleitores. A metodologia adotada foi a análise de conteúdo, uma vez que se deseja compreender quais são os principais sinais e características definidos pelos partidos e pelos candidatos no momento de serem divulgados. Foram definidas seis categorias para a análise de dez vídeos do horário eleitoral gratuito na televisão dos três principais candidatos, tanto do primeiro, quanto do segundo turno. Conclui-se que a candidata Dilma Rousseff foi a que mais aproveitou de todos os artifícios estratégicos da comunicação política, da propaganda eleitoral, apropriada da democracia midiática, com forte apelo emotivo nas categorias analisadas, resultando em uma vitória apertada, a mais disputada até hoje, porém, de resultado positivo para a campanha de reeleição da presidente
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Making decisions is fundamental to everything we do, yet it can be impaired in various disorders and conditions. While research into the neural basis of decision-making has flourished in recent years, many questions remain about how decisions are instantiated in the brain. Here we explored how primates make abstract decisions and decisions in social contexts, as well as one way to non-invasively modulate the brain circuits underlying decision-making. We used rhesus macaques as our model organism. First we probed numerical decision-making, a form of abstract decision-making. We demonstrated that monkeys are able to compare discrete ratios, choosing an array with a greater ratio of positive to negative stimuli, even when this array does not have a greater absolute number of positive stimuli. Monkeys’ performance in this task adhered to Weber’s law, indicating that monkeys—like humans—treat proportions as analog magnitudes. Next we showed that monkeys’ ordinal decisions are influenced by spatial associations; when trained to select the fourth stimulus from the bottom in a vertical array, they subsequently selected the fourth stimulus from the left—and not from the right—in a horizontal array. In other words, they begin enumerating from one side of space and not the other, mirroring the human tendency to associate numbers with space. These and other studies confirmed that monkeys’ numerical decision-making follows similar patterns to that of humans, making them a good model for investigations of the neurobiological basis of numerical decision-making.
We sought to develop a system for exploring the neuronal basis of the cognitive and behavioral effects observed following transcranial magnetic stimulation, a relatively new, non-invasive method of brain stimulation that may be used to treat clinical disorders. We completed a set of pilot studies applying offline low-frequency repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation to the macaque posterior parietal cortex, which has been implicated in numerical processing, while subjects performed a numerical comparison and control color comparison task, and while electrophysiological activity was recorded from the stimulated region of cortex. We found tentative evidence in one paradigm that stimulation did selectively impair performance in the number task, causally implicating the posterior parietal cortex in numerical decisions. In another paradigm, however, we manipulated the subject’s reaching behavior but not her number or color comparison performance. We also found that stimulation produced variable changes in neuronal firing and local field potentials. Together these findings lay the groundwork for detailed investigations into how different parameters of transcranial magnetic stimulation can interact with cortical architecture to produce various cognitive and behavioral changes.
Finally, we explored how monkeys decide how to behave in competitive social interactions. In a zero-sum computer game in which two monkeys played as a shooter or a goalie during a hockey-like “penalty shot” scenario, we found that shooters developed complex movement trajectories so as to conceal their intentions from the goalies. Additionally, we found that neurons in the dorsolateral and dorsomedial prefrontal cortex played a role in generating this “deceptive” behavior. We conclude that these regions of prefrontal cortex form part of a circuit that guides decisions to make an individual less predictable to an opponent.
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This dissertation examines the publication history of a single work: John Calvin’s 1552 Quatre sermons de M. Jehan Calvin traictans des matières fort utiles pour nostre temps, avec briefve exposition du Pseaume lxxxvii. Overlooked for both its contribution to Calvin’s wider corpus and its surprising popularity in English translation, successive editions of Quatre sermons display how Calvin’s argument against the behavior of so-called “Nicodemites” was adapted to various purposes unrelated to refuting religious dissimulation. The present study contributes to research in Calvin’s anti-Nicodemism by highlighting the fruitfulness of focusing on a discrete work and its reception. Borrowing a term (“Newter”) from John Field’s 1579 translation of Quatre sermons, this study’s title adumbrates its argument. English translators capitalized on the intrinsic malleability of a nameless and faceless opponent, the Nicodemite, and the adaptability of Quatre sermons’ genre as a collection of sermons to reshape—or, if you will, disfigure—both Calvin’s original foes and his case against them to advance various new agenda. Yet they were not the first to use the reformer’s sermons this way. They could have learned this from Calvin himself.
My examination of Quatre sermons opens by setting the work in the context of Calvin’s other writings and his political situation (Introduction, chapters one and two). Calvin’s unrelenting literary assault on French Nicodemism over three decades has long been recognized for its consistency and negativity. Yet scholars have tended to neglect how Calvin’s polemic against religious dissimulation could exhibit significant flexibility according to the needs of his context. Whereas Calvin’s preface promises simply to revisit his previous argument against participation in the Mass, his approach to Nicodemism in Quatre sermons seems adapted to accomplish goals beyond decrying false worship, offering a carefully-crafted apology for Calvin’s pastoral authority directed at his political situation. Repeatedly emphasizing God’s purpose to bless his children through the ministry of a rightly-ordered church, Quatre sermons marks a shift in Calvin’s anti-Nicodemite rhetoric away from purely negative critique, stressing instead God’s provision of spiritual nurture via political exile. Read in light of Calvin’s 1552 context, two audiences emerge: sermons ostensibly targeting believers in France who hid their faith also appear especially designed to silence Calvin’s foes in Geneva.
The remainder of the study examines the reception of Quatre sermons in the rapidly shifting religious and social contexts of Marian and Elizabethan England, where it appeared in more unique editions than any of Calvin’s writings besides the Institutio and the reformer’s 1542/45 Genevan Catechism. Calvin’s anti-Nicodemism has not been examined for its distinct contribution to the overall English reception of his thought. Five English versions of Quatre sermons appeared between 1553 and 1584—four of these under a Protestant queen, a situation quite different from the French context Calvin addressed. After situating Calvin’s position within the currents of Tudor Protestant anti-Nicodemism (chapter three), I place each of the five translations in its particular context, investigating prefaces, appendices, marginalia, and translation methods to discover how and why individuals used Quatre sermons (chapters four to six). Like Calvin in 1552, those who brought Quatre sermons to English readers were not primarily concerned with Nicodemism. Rather, the malleability of Calvin’s Nicodemite as polemical opponent and the flexibility of Quatre sermons as a sequence of discrete, interrelated parts made it popular with those eager to press Calvin into the service of a variety of diverse goals he could not have imagined, including turning his anti-Nicodemism against fellow members of the English church.
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Pour respecter les droits d’auteur, la version électronique de ce mémoire a été dépouillée de certains documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
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En el presente trabajo proponemos analizar los discursos hegemónicos en la política argentina desde la recuperación de la democracia en 1983 hasta la actualidad. De acuerdo a nuestra hipótesis, estos discursos son básicamente tres. El discurso democrático legalista, propalado desde el gobierno del radical Raúl Alfonsín desde fines 1983 a mediados de 1989; el discurso neoliberal encarnado por el presidente Carlos Menem, en el gobierno desde 1989 a 1999, que consolidó una hegemonía que se extendió a la oposición que tomó el relevo en 1999 con el radical Fernando de la Rúa y que debió abandonar el gobierno anticipadamente en 2001. El tercer dispositivo discursivo hegemónico emerge con el gobierno de Néstor Kirchner en mayo de 2003 y se continúa en el gobierno de su sucesora, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, desde 2007 a la fecha
Resumo:
En el presente trabajo proponemos analizar los discursos hegemónicos en la política argentina desde la recuperación de la democracia en 1983 hasta la actualidad. De acuerdo a nuestra hipótesis, estos discursos son básicamente tres. El discurso democrático legalista, propalado desde el gobierno del radical Raúl Alfonsín desde fines 1983 a mediados de 1989; el discurso neoliberal encarnado por el presidente Carlos Menem, en el gobierno desde 1989 a 1999, que consolidó una hegemonía que se extendió a la oposición que tomó el relevo en 1999 con el radical Fernando de la Rúa y que debió abandonar el gobierno anticipadamente en 2001. El tercer dispositivo discursivo hegemónico emerge con el gobierno de Néstor Kirchner en mayo de 2003 y se continúa en el gobierno de su sucesora, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, desde 2007 a la fecha
Resumo:
En el presente trabajo proponemos analizar los discursos hegemónicos en la política argentina desde la recuperación de la democracia en 1983 hasta la actualidad. De acuerdo a nuestra hipótesis, estos discursos son básicamente tres. El discurso democrático legalista, propalado desde el gobierno del radical Raúl Alfonsín desde fines 1983 a mediados de 1989; el discurso neoliberal encarnado por el presidente Carlos Menem, en el gobierno desde 1989 a 1999, que consolidó una hegemonía que se extendió a la oposición que tomó el relevo en 1999 con el radical Fernando de la Rúa y que debió abandonar el gobierno anticipadamente en 2001. El tercer dispositivo discursivo hegemónico emerge con el gobierno de Néstor Kirchner en mayo de 2003 y se continúa en el gobierno de su sucesora, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, desde 2007 a la fecha
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The powers of the General Government are so much greater than those of the United States in its relations with the Local Governments, that the central power must win. The next quarter century was marked by struggle, or rather a series of struggles, between the Dominion Government and those of the various provinces with as a general rule contrary to Macdonal's expectations, the latter proving successful. Ontario was the most consistent opponent of centralizing tendencies; her most notably victory was scored in what is known as the Ontario-Manitoba Boundary Dispute. It is out intention to deal with this question primarily as a phase of post-Confederation politics.
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This interdisciplinary collection of essays focuses on critical and theoretical responses to the apocalypse of the late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century cultural production. Examining the ways in which apocalyptic discourses have had an impact on how we read the world’s globalised space, the traumatic burden of history, and the mutual relationship between language and eschatological belief, fifteen original essays by a group of internationally established and emerging critics reflect on the apocalypse, its past tradition, pervasive present and future legacy. The collection seeks to offer a new reading of the apocalypse, understood as a complex – and, frequently, paradoxical – paradigm of (contemporary) Western culture. The majority of published collections on the subject have been published prior to the year 2000 and, in their majority of cases, locate the apocalypse in the future and envision it as something imminent. This collection offers a post-millennial perspective that perceives "the end" as immanent and, simultaneously, rooted in the past tradition.
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El concurso de transformación mágica, esquema narrativo difundido en la tradición popular, se presenta en dos variantes principales: los hechiceros que compiten pueden metamorfosearse en varios seres o crear esos seres por medios mágicos. En cualquier caso el concursante ganador da a luz criaturas más fuertes que superan las de su oponente. La segunda variante fue preferida en el antiguo Cercano Oriente (Sumeria, Egipto, Israel). La primera se puede encontrar en algunos mitos griegos sobre cambiadores de forma (por ejemplo, Zeus y Némesis). El mismo esquema narrativo puede haber influido en un episodio de la Novela de Alejandro (1.36-38), en el que Darío envía regalos simbólicos a Alejandro y los dos monarcas enemigos ofrecen contrastantes explicaciones de ellos. Esta historia griega racionaliza el concurso de cuento de hadas, transfiriendo las fantásticas hazañas de creaciones milagrosas a un plano secundario pero realista de metáfora lingüística.
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Tucídides es una de nuestras mejores fuentes de información para conocer la práctica argumentativa de la deliberación democrática. En este trabajo se analiza uno de los vicios que, según el historiador, haría su aparición en la escena política ateniense a la muerte de Pericles: la instrumentalización del miedo para obtener la victoria momentánea en la asamblea. El temor prudente, que fuera una arma periclea para conducir la deliberación racional en aras del bien común, habría desaparecido siendo sustituido por el amedrentamiento del rival, la calumnia, el obstruccionismo y la parálisis de la confrontación dialéctica. Instauradas en la ciudad la desconfianza y la sospecha de ocultación, los golpistas del 411 hallaron el terreno abonado para callar las voces contrarias y, gracias al silencio, instaurar el terror.