922 resultados para Posfundacional Political Thought
Resumo:
This work is on the political thought of the French philosopher Gilles Deleuze (1925 – 1995) taking the concepts of major/minor as starting point, since by them the deleuzian philosophy produces significant approaches to think politics and its forms. Not only the concepts of major/minor, but also the concept of becoming, in the mode of becoming-minor, marks the proposition, as we could tell, a properly deleuzian political philosophy. Thus, this work attempts to expose the possible form of this politics and of a fight ethic associated to it. To study the Deleuze political thought today is not to abdicate of a political thought that recognizes the singularities and embraces the political fight not as a totalizing revolution, but as resistance. The analyses of the concepts of major/minor, and the becoming shows itself as necessary in the political proposal in the present context
Resumo:
This dissertation aims at showing the importance of the Nietzsche s and Spinoza s philosophy in Deleuze thought, about body, force, and potency concepts. The search starts from Deleuze texts around two authors of his inspiration, reaching understand in the plan of immanence of the relationship between concepts and the way life as ethics and political affirmation. The first goal is the concept of rhizome; propose by Deleuze in what manner to walk the ways traced by philosophers and at the same time to create self ways. The second chapter examines the body in Nietzsche as force s relations. Find to show the genesis of the force in its determination as relative quantity strong or weak, and as absolute quality active or reactive; and for other side the genesis of the force from two poles of the will to power affirmation or negation, examining the consequences for life and thought. In the third chapter explained the definitions of body in Spinoza. The body, in Spinoza, defines itself complex relation of movement and repose, velocity and slowness and by it s to affect and be affecter s power. Find to show understanding the mediums for to amplify the power of to exist or the potency of to act, in what manner ethics of to live. The fourth chapter makes one parallel between the war and the thought in the constitution of socials body and collectives agenciamientos, for understand in the fifth chapter the body as war s machine of the thought, from the relationship between nomad way life and war s machine showed in Tractate of Nomadologia. Wait like this to show the importance of the ethics and political thought than affirm the existence in the world through active force from that body s power.
Resumo:
Despite the involvement of radical socialists like James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army in the 1916 Rising and the unanimous passing of the Democratic Programme (a socialist manifesto for the new Government) by the First Dáil in 1919, the Irish state has since its inception exhibited a highly conservative approach to social and economic policy, and politics generally in Ireland, North or South, have never faced a serious challenge from those seeking radical change. Several factors have played a part in this and this article focuses on one of these - the power and conservatism of the Catholic Church and its influence in shaping the political landscape. Despite a decline in recent years, the Church remains influential north and south of the Border in education provision, the current debates in relation to abortion and in culturally important aspects of life - baptism, communion and burial. In the past the Church’s political influence among Ireland’s majority Catholic community had been even more pronounced. The article begins by looking at the Church’s attitude to revolutionary change in Ireland historically before focusing on its influence in the North during the Stormont years and during the more recent ‘Troubles’ – 1969 - 98. It shows how the Church attempted to influence political thought and discourse in Ireland when it was at the height of its power. Whilst it is true that the Church was not a monolith, and there have always been individual priests who have adopted a more radical approach, the general thrust of the Church was conservative, attempting to ally itself with the power elites of the day where possible. It is this influence which appears to have stood the test of time despite attempts in past generations to radicalise the Irish population.
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This thesis addresses how Alexis de Tocqueville’s political thought is related to American Exceptionalism. First, I illustrate the multiple meanings of the concept of American Exceptionalism and in what sense it is indebted to Tocqueville. Second, I articulate how the historical background and personal qualities of Tocqueville contribute to the success of his masterpiece Democracy in America. In the main part, by analyzing Tocqueville’s Democracy in America and other writings on America, I argue that he indeed reveals America as exceptional and increasingly recognizes this idea through a process of intellectual development. An elaboration on Tocqueville’s theoretical contribution to the discussion of American Exceptionalism can reveal the different images of modern democracy as he suggests and how they would influence the prospect of human freedom.
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This dissertation seeks to identify what makes Cicero’s approach to politics unique. The author's methodology is to turn to Cicero’s unique interpretation of Plato as the crux of what made his thinking neither Stoic nor Aristotelian nor even Platonic (at least, in the usual sense of the word) but Ciceronian. As the author demonstrates in his reading of Cicero’s correspondences and dialogues during the downward spiral of a decade that ended in the fall of the Republic (that is, from Cicero’s return from exile in 57 BC to Caesar’s crossing of the Rubicon in 49 BC), it is through Cicero's reading of Plato that the former develops his characteristically Ciceronian approach to politics—that is, his appreciation for the tension between the political ideal on the one hand and the reality of human nature on the other as well as the need for rhetoric to fuse a practicable compromise between the two. This triangulation of political ideal, human nature, and rhetoric is developed by Cicero through his dialogues "de Oratore," "de Re publica," and "de Legibus."
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Tucídides es una de nuestras mejores fuentes de información para conocer la práctica argumentativa de la deliberación democrática. En este trabajo se analiza uno de los vicios que, según el historiador, haría su aparición en la escena política ateniense a la muerte de Pericles: la instrumentalización del miedo para obtener la victoria momentánea en la asamblea. El temor prudente, que fuera una arma periclea para conducir la deliberación racional en aras del bien común, habría desaparecido siendo sustituido por el amedrentamiento del rival, la calumnia, el obstruccionismo y la parálisis de la confrontación dialéctica. Instauradas en la ciudad la desconfianza y la sospecha de ocultación, los golpistas del 411 hallaron el terreno abonado para callar las voces contrarias y, gracias al silencio, instaurar el terror.
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El artículo pretende abordar el modo en el que la obra de Reiner Schürmann, a través de un original interpretación del pensamiento de Martin Heidegger, consigue desarrollar un tipo de filosofía política anárquica. Se intentará analizar, en la dispersa obra del filósofo holandés, la idea de anarquía como condición existencial, prestando especial atención al nexo entre el concepto de muerte de la metafísica y la posibilidad de una praxis política anárquica. El artículo se compone de tres partes: en la primera se examinará la noción de Ser y de “a priori práctico” en el trabajo de Schürmann. En la segunda se verá la diferencia entre el nihilismo del autor y el de Vattimo, y en la tercera, se profundizará en las consecuencias más propiamente políticas del pensamiento de Schürmann.
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Georg Jellinek is known as one of the most prominent representative of German legal positivism. This article aims at identifying and discussing the more theoretical- political connotation of Jellinek’s thought with a particular focus on his liberal inspiration. According to the perspective of the history of political thought, this article shows how some intellectual premises to Jellinek’s liberalism take shape and emerge from a series of young Jellinek’s writings on history of philosophy and history of ideas.
Resumo:
The Borg, a collective of humanoid cyborgs linked together in a hive-mind and modeled on the earthly superorganisms of ant colonies and beehives, has been the most feared alien race in the Star Trek universe. The formidable success of the Borg in assimilating their foes corresponds to the astounding success of superorganisms in our own biosphere. Yet the Borg also serves as a metaphor for another collective of biological entities known as the corporation. In the Anthropocene epoch, corporations have become the most powerful force on the planet; their influence on the social world and the environment exceeds any government and may determine the continued sustainability of human life. Corporations have been described as people and as machines, but neither metaphor accurately describes their essence or contributes to an understanding that might resist their power. This paper reframes our understanding of the corporation by examining the metaphors that are used to describe it, and by suggesting an entirely new metaphor viewing the Borg and the corporation through the lens of sociobiology. I will argue that the corporation is a new form of superorganism that has become the dominant species on the planet and that the immense, intractable power of a globalized, corporate hive-mind has become the principal obstacle to addressing the planetary emergency of climate change. Reframing our metaphoric understanding of corporations as biological entities in the planetary biosphere may enable us to imagine ways to resist their increasing dominance and create a sustainable future.
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What implies the conversion to fundamentalist Islam? What are the repercussions and implications of ‘political Islam’ in specific contexts? The relation between Islam, democracy and violence is often represented in a reductive or simplistic way. In order to contribute to a reasoned debate on these pressing questions, this essay covers some key dynamics stemming from long-term ethnographic observation regarding the conversion to neo Salafism among Arab Bedouin citizens in southern Israel, placing them in the context of contemporary developments of Islamic political thought. The ethnographic sensitivity, combined with the voices of some eminent Islamic intellectuals, allows to go beyond both the rhetoric of cultural complexity and the common-sense view that Islamic terrorism would be a kind of ‘anti imperialism of the losers’, arguments employed often to contest emerging neo-orientalist discourses. In this sense, the essay states the need to shed light on coordinates and interpretative categories that are not placed in an essentially different but in often unexpected ways.
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Este artículo analiza uno de los personajes secundarios más relevantes de las Res Gestae (RG) de Amiano Marcelino, el magister peditum Barbación. El historiador presenta a Barbación como un ser infame: colaborador en la muerte de Galo, cobarde, arrogante y desleal con Juliano durante la campaña militar del 357, delator de falsedades ante Constancio, merecedor de una muerte indigna. Sin embargo, un estudio de conjunto de los pasajes de Res Gestae, tomando como apoyo metodológico las técnicas de argumentación aplicadas al retrato y el concepto de ‘argumentación implícita’ de Sabbah 1978 y los métodos de caracterización de personajes de Pauw 1977, corrige esta visión comúnmente aceptada y demuestra la parcialidad del historiador. Así mismo se pone de manifiesto que el personaje, como otros actantes secundarios en las RG, es una réplica del carácter de Constancio II.
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La pintura de paisaje surge como corriente pictórica a finales del siglo XIX como un producto de una suma de intereses tanto académicos como científicos que desembocan en el interés por la naturaleza. Se enmarca dentro de un pensamiento político que sitúa a nuestro país en las expectativas de una nueva estructura socio cultural que pone énfasis en la libertad y en los derechos humanos, el derecho a la propiedad privada y sobre todo abre sus horizontes a la integración social y cultural, se ve la necesidad de comunicar e inspirarse en la propia tierra. En ésta investigación se pretende inquirir en los diferentes procesos que experimentan los artistas al contacto con la naturaleza; que se interiorizan a través de las distintas experiencias que tienen con las técnicas de proceso artístico, dentro de las cuales se capturan la luz, el espacio, la cromática, la vivencia que capta el espectador de las obras y las expectativas que tiene del artista. Este proceso puede o no ser artístico: algunas veces guiado por el academicismo, otras veces por encargo, con expectativas que muchas veces tienen fines políticos (poniendo en desmedro del valor académico, el tema). Obras que se traducen en una exigencia de la técnica, ya que se trata de captar la naturaleza, que de por sí es perfecta, en un prolijo uso casi perfeccionista de la misma, sin llegar a comprender que los individuos como las huellas dactilares, son diferentes en su interior; por lo que captarán la esencia de la naturaleza de acuerdo a las numerosas experiencias que hayan tenido con ella. La idea de pintar paisaje ya no está relacionada solamente con la observación sino con la perspectiva de representar el entorno de acuerdo a la manera muy particular y especial de cada artista.
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Vor dem Hintergrund der Flüchtlingsthematik illustriert die Autorin als Auftakt, wie sehr sich die Demokratie in westlichen Gesellschaften, die schon immer Frauen ausschloss, dem Abgrund nähert. Bildung, ob sie es will oder nicht, bildet indirekt oder direkt immer auch politisch-soziale Bedingungen und Verhältnisse ab, bildet in diese hinein, kann nicht unpolitisch sein. Demokratie und Politik finden nicht im Menschen statt, sondern entstehen zwischen den Menschen. Wie kann Bildung nun zum Demokratie lernen oder - um es mit Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak auszudrücken - Demokratie verlernen beitragen? Indem sich jede Bildung immer wieder prozessual einer Selbstprüfung aussetzt, um den Anspruch auf "Erziehung" mündiger BürgerInnen nicht durch die eigene Praxis zu verhindern, lautet die Antwort in diesem kritisch-feministischen und essayistischen Beitrag. Zudem brauche es Bildungsorte, wo es möglich ist, ein BürgerInnensein durch Erfahrung und politische Ideengeschichte zu lernen. (DIPF/Orig.)
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La contribución intelectual y política de la pensadora Carmen Lyra, militante comunista, maestra y escritora costarricense, puede identificarse como una dádiva que aportó luz en la construcción de una sociedad costarricense más justa. Exilada política, murió en México, el país que la recibió, rogando volver para fallecer en su Patria, petición humanitaria que le fue negada por la jerarquía política de la Suiza Centroamericana. Hoy, su pensamiento y su praxis han sido despojados por el imaginario oficial del contenido político que movió su pluma y su vida. Palabras claves: Carmen Lyra, María Isabel Carvajal, comunismo costarricense, pensamiento político femenino costarricense Abstract The intellectual and political deeds of Costa Rican thinker Carmen Lyra, communist, writer and teacher, can be understood as an inheritance that shed light for the building of a more justice Costa Rican society. She was exiled to Mexico and died there begging Costa Rican authorities to allow her return to the Homeland for her final days. This humanitarian request was refused by the rulers of the so-called Central American Switzerland. Today, Carmen Lyra ́s thought and deeds are being swept away of its political content that moved her writing and her entire life by the official ideology. Key words: Carmen Lyra, María Isabel Carvajal, Costa Rican Communism, Costa Rican female political thought