222 resultados para Constitucionalidade.


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The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration

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This scholarly work aims to investigate the feasibility and constitutionality of access to justice through the provision of full and free legal assistance by the Brazilian municipalities. Investigates the historical aspects of federalism in a global context, emphasizing the contributions left by American federalism. In the Brazilian context, emphasizing the importance of municipalities as federal entities and their outstanding characteristics, while addressing regional issues of federalism. Leanings to the more detailed analysis of the Brazilian municipalities, contextualizing its legal status, its independence and its constitutional powers. It is emphasized in the same way, the relevant transformations of Brazilian municipalities over the last twenty years of this Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil in 1988, especially the various constitutional amendments that affected the local autonomy and budgetary aspects, fiscal and skills, bringing significant changes to the municipalities. It is an approach to the concept of justice and deepening the studies on the fundamental right of access to justice in its various connotations. In this vein, it is a study on the legal advice provided in Brazil, especially the powers of the Public Defender of the States and Union, as well as the provision of such public service by Brazilian municipalities and its relevance to citizens in need. At this point, it deepens the relevance of the theme of this dissertation earning the implications of municipal performance in the provision of legal assistance provided to the needy, and the activity of the Municipal Attorney or legal counsel in conducting such a task and its implications for legal and procedural especially on the constitutionality or otherwise of the conduct of such public service, confronting the constitutional articles that are correlated with the subject. Within this context, evaluates the municipal legal assistance under the test of constitutionality, in particular the assistance given by the Executive, through the Municipal Attorney or specialized secretariats and that provided by the Legislature, although it only has the typical functions of legislating and control the municipal accounts, comes in a few municipalities in Brazil deploying sectors with the performance of legal services to the needy. At this point the thesis, one wonders if some important aspects of this activity such as political influence and patronage, very common in day-to-day municipal prosecutors and legal advisers, public employees or occupying commissioned positions within the municipal administrative structure in several municipalities throughout Brazil. Finally, there will be a conclusion as to the constitutionality of the service being done by presenting proposals and recommendations that may improve the municipal legal aid, allowing a constitutional backing to this important service is being provided in capital cities and municipalities throughout the length of Brazil

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Brazil since its first republican constitution has adopted systems of laws control. The review activity was given to three state powers or functions state, Executive, Legislative and Judiciary. However, it appears that in the country along the constitutional history, has stood considerably the jurisdictional control of the most important control. Initially, back in 1891, Brazil adopted the jurisdictional control of diffuse from U.S, whose role in monitoring of standards is delivered to all organs of the judiciary, which may face a case, put on trial, ascertain whether or not the possibility of applying a law, removing its impact in case of unconstitutionality. In 1969, entered in the second legal model of judicial review, the concentrated control of constitutionality, whose inspiration comes from the positivist theory of Hans Kelsen, and was adopted by the Austrian Constitution of 1920. According to the abstract control the supervision of law is given to a Court or Constitutional Court, responsible for the analysis of the legal constitutionality independent of its application to a specific case. In Brazil the role of concentrated control was handed over exclusively to the Supreme Court, which serves as the Constitutional Court, which accumulates that function with other constitutionally provided jurisdiction. Throughout this period, from 1891 until today, Brazil has maintained a dual system of judicial control of legal constitutionality, where they coexist and harmonize the diffuse control exercised by any organ of the Judiciary, and concentrated control of competence the Supreme Court. However, one must recognize that with the advent of the Federal Constitution of 1988, the concentrated control has emerged on the national stage due to two important factors: the expansion of the legal capacity to sue and the inclusion of other ways control, besides the already known Direct Claim of Unconstitutionality. This concentrated control and projection of the Supreme Court s attempt to become a true constitutional court, led to a relative weakening of diffuse control even when performed by the Brazilian Constitutional Court. In order to become a true constitutional court, all decisions handed down by the Supreme in the exercise of constitutional jurisdiction should have the same weight and the same measure, or at least bring improvement to similar effects, once is the responsible for the final word when it comes to constitutional interpretation. Thus, the writs of certiorari and stare decisis were responsible for profound changes in the diffuse control, allowing the Supreme Court can strengthen its decisions even in the diffuse control. These two institutions have substantially changed the legal status of diffuse control, allowing an extension of the effects of decisions handed down by the Supreme Court, so that you can no longer be said that the effects of this control to restrict the disputing parties in the process

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The constitutionalisation of private relations is the central theme of this work. Approached him overcome the dichotomy between public and private, through functionalization to the constitutionalization of civil law. Research on the effectiveness of horizontal rights. Constitutional under the lens, we analyzed the tense relationship between possession and ownership desfuncionalizada functionalized. We realize that having qualified and gained autonomy, and mechanism of access to goods, in view of the status sheet minimum, and of accomplishment, materializing human dignity. Then, we investigated the expropriation of private ownership qualified as legislative intervention that ensures the enforcement of fundamental rights through the state-court. We face the legal, the constitutionality and the burden of this institute. Also operability that it gives the judge, the process of exercise, the object, issues related to the burden and assessment of damages, as well as the nature, timing and costs of transferring property. At the end, we point to the scarcity palace, as well as the need to repair lege ferenda. The methodological approach has been championed by legal dogmatics in its analytical aspect, as we explore concepts and correlate with our planning. In empirical connotation, we evaluated the normativity and applicability of our law courts. For the ultimate in normative vision, answers to the problems faced and perform the necessary propositions, based on the results from the conceptual and empirical analysis

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The paper investigates the legal mechanisms used by the Legislature and the Executive to implement the constitutional principle of the teacher s minimum wage, which is proclaimed in the Constitution as a strategy of professional appreciation for this category. The text demonstrates that the legal mechanisms used to value the teacher were: the 1988 Constitution, the constitutional amendments to this Charter updated and modified the original text in relation to the matter, and finally, the Minimum Wage Law . Article nº 206 of 1988 s Federal Constitution established that basic education teachers, who work in public schools, would be entitled to a national minimum wage. Law nº 11.738/2008 ( Minimum Wage Law ) regulated the matter and made other determinations on the relationship between the State and the teachers such as the establishment of parameters for the distribution of the workload of teachers. Based on this law, since 2009 the minimum wage has been set annually by the Federal Government. However, state governments and municipalities throughout Brazil protested prescriptions contained in the Minimum Wage Law . In this context, some governors and mayors led the Supreme Court regarding the constitutionality of this law. The complainants considered that there was unconstitutional by the following: definition of the teacher s workday, which in the complainants point of view was competence of local governments; ensuring that teachers receive salaries tied to the minimum wage with retroactive effect; transformation of the minimum wage in basic salary, lack of sufficient budget in the states and municipalities to honor with the new values to be paid to teachers and, finally, determining workload for the teacher to perform other activities besides classroom activities. At the trial held at the STF the majority of Ministers rejected the claim and considered that the Minimum Wage Law , taken together, was constitutional. However, this decision did not alter the position of the managers or the interpretation of the ministers who agreed with the unconstitutionality of some aspects of the law. This means that one law can present differences in interpretation between ordinary people and among members of the Judiciary. The search showed the following conclusions: the law is not a definitive parameter of justice, because it is deeply linked to various interests; the development, implementation, and judgment of laws dealing with minimum wage of teaching are linked to historical and cultural aspects of society; the demand for enhancement of teacher and setting a minimum wage has only emerged in the late twentieth century, a fact explained in this work based on data that indicate the recent concern of Brazilian State with schooling a phenomenon typically Republican and with the professionalization of teaching emerging concern from the knowledge society; the Legislative and Executive search mechanism to implement the minimum wage of the teachers because of the contemporary need for professionalization of teaching

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The judicial intervention in limited liability company goes through several issues of legislative and hermeneutics origin, based considerably on the small importance given to freedom of economic initiative by the participants in the process of formation and application of the law. In addition, Brazilian law, due to incompleteness, inconsistency or lack of valid grounds, put the judge in a procedural delicate situation. Being forced to judge, the judiciary faces severe uncomfortable interpretive situations, of which derive solutions of dubious constitutionality and affecting, significantly, the dynamics of business activity. In this context, and considering the limited liability company as an expression of free enterprise, corresponding to a lawful association of people in order to undertake economically, in exercise of his freedom of contracting and professional action, intended to be offered safe parameters of constitutionality for judicial intervention in limited liability company in the hypothesis of (i) transfer of corporate shares, (ii) attachment of corporate shares, (iii) dismissal of directors, (iv) appointment of judicial stakeholders, (v) exclusion of shareholders and (vi ) trespass. The hypothetical-deductive approach was adopted, building hypotheses to overcome the gaps and unconstitutionality of the law and subjecting them to tests, reviews, and comparisons with hypothetical facts and case law in order to determine the constitutional validity of the proposed solutions. The procedure aimed to reconcile the historical, comparative, dialectical and scientific methods. The roots of temporal institutes were researched as well as current solutions provided by national and compared law. From problematizations point, addressed by the constitutional interpretation of the law and jurisprudence, responses that bring out the unconstitutionality of certain conceptions were headed

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The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the role of Public Powers in the enforcement of fundamental social rights, according to the principle of prohibition to social regression. The Federal Constitution of Brazil, situated in a position normative hierarchical superior, disciplines the legal and political process of the country, determining how Public Powers (Legislative, Executive and Judiciary) should act to enforce fundamental rights (social). Thus, features a cast of fundamental rights that aim to ensure social justice, highlighting the concern to ensure social values aimed at reducing social inequalities. The will of the state should be prevented by controlling the constitutionality of measures which restrict fundamental social rights, assuming the principle of human dignity, pillar of Social and Democratic State of Right, a dual role in the brazilian legal system, acting as the presupposition of jurisdictional control of the constitutionality of restrictive acts and as supervisory of omission or insufficient action of the State in the fulfillment of their fundamental duties. The constitutional determinations remove from the legislator the option to create or not the law that prints effectiveness to the social rights, as well as from the Executive the option of to execute or not rules directed at realization of the constitutional parameters, and Judiciary to behave or not in accordance with the Constitution, being given to the Powers only the arbitrariness of "how" to do, so that all functions performed by public actors to use the Constitution as a repository of the foundational values of the collectivity. Any situation that does not conform the principle of proportionality in relation to the enforcement of fundamental rights, especially the social, represents an unacceptable social regression unconstitutional. The constitutional rules and principles postulated by the realization of the rights, freedoms and guarantees of the human person, acting the principle of prohibition to social regression to regulate a concrete situation, whenever it is intended to change, reducing or deleting, the content of a social right. This paper of limit of state action serves to provide to the society legal security and protection of trust, ensuring the core of every social right. This should be effected to be sheltered the existential minimum, as a guarantee of the inviolability of human life, respecting the constitutional will, not falling into social regression

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Trabalho sobre a concretização dos direitos fundamentais pela jurisdição constitucional, mostrando a importância da interpretação da Constituição para a obtenção da eficácia de tais direitos. Desenvolve-se a pesquisa a partir da explicação histórica sobre o constitucionalismo moderno, que implantou o Estado Liberal de Direito e as constituições escritas, e no qual encontra a jurisdição constitucional o seu embasamento cultural e a sua justificação histórica. Verifica-se que a origem da jurisdição constitucional assenta-se no controle da constitucionalidade das leis e atos normativos do poder público, fundado no princípio da supremacia da Constituição. Destaca-se o realce dado pela teoria material da Constituição à normatividade dos princípios constitucionais, tecendo considerações em torno da classificação das normas constitucionais em regras e princípios. Remarca o trabalho que o controle da constitucionalidade pode ser formal ou material, apresentando esta última modalidade uma conotação acentuadamente política, já que, por ele, a aferição da compatibilidade da norma infraconstitucional é feita com o conteúdo material da Constituição. A função primacial da jurisdição constitucional é tutelar os direitos fundamentais, especialmente os das minorias sociais. Tal função sobreleva-se até mesmo contra textos legislativos produzidos por maiorias eventuais, pois o princípio da supremacia da Constituição prevalece sobre a regra da maioria vigente nos regimes democráticos. Comprova-se que a concepção substancialista, adotada para definir os contornos funcionais da jurisdição constitucional, propõe uma maior intervenção desta na apreciação dos casos que lhe são submetidos. Salienta-se que, no Estado Democrático de Direito, derivado da aglutinação do Estado Liberal com o Estado Social e acrescida de um elemento novo voltado à transformação da realidade social, a jurisdição constitucional passa a levar em conta, com mais atenção e destaque, os princípios constitucionais e a sincronia do ordenamento constitucional com a sociedade por ele ordenada. Realça também o estudo que a atuação da jurisdição constitucional, segundo a ideologia democrática defendida pelo Estado Democrático de Direito, tem logrado obter uma sociedade mais justa, e que a comprovação histórica é francamente favorável ao seu ativismo judicial. Os direitos fundamentais dificilmente se dissociam da democracia, que lhes garante a eficácia pela limitação e visibilidade do exercício do poder, traços políticos que constituem a nota típica dos regimes democráticos. Mesmo que os direitos fundamentais tenham tido um caráter pré-estatal como preconizado pelo jusnaturalismo, são eles normas, e não valores, pois tão logo sejam positivados pela Constituição eles se tornam direitos vigentes. Assevera a pesquisa que os métodos concretistas de interpretação constitucional mostram-se mais adequados à obtenção da eficácia da Constituição, pela importância que os elementos objetivos, relacionados com o contexto material da norma, assumem no seu processo de aplicação e interpretação. Conclui-se ser essencial que os operadores e estudiosos do Direito se conscientizem de que a interpretação constitucional deve assumir uma feição principiológica e concretista, de modo a ser obtida a máxima eficácia possível das normas constitucionais, especialmente as de direitos fundamentais, acentuando-se mais a necessidade de um Tribunal Constitucional, cuja criação no Brasil constitui ainda tema polêmico entre os doutrinadores

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In Brazil, social rights have always been considered secondary legal categories, whose implementation could wait for the pending of political decisions. At the end of the Second World War, International Law emphasizes the protection of human beings, raising his dignity as a legal pillar of the legal orders and one of the main foundations of Constitutions. At the post-positivism Constitutionalism, the realization of social rights receives special attention with the assumption of supremacy and normativity of the Constitutions, while the judiciary participates in the realization of democracy, not only as applicator of laws, but also as the guardian of constitutionality of the acts and administrative omissions, creatively contributing to the constitutional achievement, filling gaps and normative state omissions. In this aspect, the supply of medicines, whose costs can not be supported by the individual, keep a close connection with the right to life, health and dignity of the human being, as the subject of numerous lawsuits directed against the Public Administration. Such phenomenon has caused intense debate regarding judicial activism and legitimacy of these decisions, particularly on the need to define what are the limits and possibilities considering the principle of separation of powers and the principle of reserve of the possible; bieng this the problematic developed in this research. Thus, this research aims to verify the legitimacy of judicial decisions that determines to the Public Administration the compulsory providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of their treatment, as well as, contribute to the dogmatic constructions of parameters to be observed by judicial interference. Regarding the methodology, this research has an investigative and descriptive caracter and an theoretical approach based on bibliographical data collection (judicial and doutrine decisions) that received qualitative treatment and dialectical approach. As a result, it is known that the judicial decision that determines the supply of medicines to those individuals who can not afford them with their own resources is legitimate and complies with the democratic principle, not violating the principle of separation of powers and the reserve of the possible, since the judicial decison is not stripped with an uniform and reasonable criteria, failing to contain high burden of subjectivism and witch signifies a possible exacerbation of functions by the judiciary, suffering, in this case, of requirement of legal certainty. It is concluded that the Court decision that determines the government the providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of treatment should be based on parameters such as: the protection of human dignity and the minimum existencial principle, the inafastable jurisdiction principle; compliance critique of the possible reserve principle; subsidiarity of judicial intervention; proportionality (quantitative and qualitative) in the content of the decision; the questioning about the reasons for non-delivery of the drug through administrative via; and, finally, the attention not to turn the judiciary into a mere production factor of the pharmaceutical industry, contributing to the cartelization of the right to health

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As substâncias entorpecentes acompanham a humanidade desde o início da civilização. No entanto, várias delas foram consideradas proscritas ao longo do tempo. Seu combate foi inaugurado na comunidade internacional a partir do começo do século XX. No início, tinha o condão eminentemente moral, porquanto a proibição encerrava, por princípio, a proteção da ética ameaçada pelo padrão desviado do consumo de estupefacientes. Na década de 1970, a guerra contra as drogas, expressão cunhada nesse período, evoluiu para se tornar o meio pelo qual o consumo seria mitigado. Dez anos mais tarde, ante à impossibilidade de sucumbir o narcotráfico, passou a ser um fim em si mesma o novo argumento para os esforços militares dos Estados Unidos da América. A criminalização das substâncias entorpecentes consideradas ilícitas é fundamento jurídico da guerra contra as drogas. Esse modelo proibicionista encontra argumento no direito penal do inimigo, segundo o qual o Estado pode, em situações que exponham a coletividade a grave perigo, negar à determinada categoria de criminosos (os inimigos) as garantias inerentes ao direito penal, cabendo-lhes apenas a coação estatal. Mesmo tendo consumido trilhões de dólares, encarcerado aos milhões e custado a vida de milhares de pessoas, pode-se dizer que a guerra contra as drogas não reduziu a oferta e o consumo de substâncias entorpecentes consideradas ilícitas, nem mitigou os danos delas decorrentes pelo contrário, tornou-se um problema de segurança pública. Assim, impõe-se a verificação da constitucionalidade da norma penal que fundamenta a guerra contra as drogas, sob ponderação do princípio da proporcionalidade. Referido postulado cobra que a norma seja adequada, cumprindo a finalidade pretendida, necessária, não havendo meio menos gravoso à obtenção do mesmo fim, e proporcional, estrito senso, que a sanção imposta ao indivíduo seja equivalente ao dano que se quis prevenir. Em matéria penal há de se incluir um outro elemento, a ponderar se as consequências da proibição em matéria penal, por si só, são mais graves que os consectários dos fatos que se pretendem proibir - exige-se que a lei seja socialmente menos ofensiva. A norma penal que fundamenta a guerra contra as drogas não se mostrou hábil a mitigar os danos sociais delas decorrentes sendo, por isso, inadequada. Existem meios alternativos à criminalização mais eficientes à esse objetivo, pelo que se faz desnecessária. Na medida em que estupefacientes mais nocivos à coletividade são considerados lícitos, a criminalização de drogas menos danosas se mostra desproporcional. E, uma vez que dela resultam graves danos à sociedade, não atende ao critério da menor ofensividade social. É, portanto, inconstitucional

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The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution

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The neoconstitutionalism led to a process of ethical revaluation of the normative systems and the process of constitutionalization of the many fields of law. This study examines the consequences of this process in criminal law, so important a Law field for the protection of the most valuable assets by the society, including the fundamental guarantees, thus emphasizing the necessity of protection of the collective and individual rights, which are guided by the observance of the defendants individual rights in the course of criminal proceedings and the search for the best efficiency of penal protection, according to the corollaries of defense against the state (prohibition of the excess or Übermassverbot) and the provision of rights by the state (prohibition of insufficient protection or Untermassverbot). The offense of fuel adulteration is taken as an object of study, since it is a vital market to a nation dependent of people and good s movement for their living, driven by fossil and biofuels. Such a crime affects essential legal interests to the development of society, interests such as the environment, consumer relations and economic order, particularly the principle of free competition. This paper seeks to analyze the need of a greater efficiency of this particular criminal protection, once concluded the conduct harm and social fear as a consequence by it as growing, and therefore having its former crime type, engraved in Article 1 of Law No. 8.176/1991, rewritten in compliance with the criminal law s principle of legality. Thus, the reformation proposals and legislative creation involving this crime were observed, with emphasis on the bill No. 2498/2003, which keeps it as blank heterogeneous criminal norm, kind of penal normative whose constitutionality is raised, including the forethought of criminal responsibility in the perpetrating of the offense as culpable and subsequently increasing the applicable minimum penalty, as well as the inclusion of new activities in the typical nucleus

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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O presente estudo teve como objeto central analisar as políticas públicas exaradas pelo Estado brasileiro, via espécies normativas para a educação superior. Tendo como categorias de análise a autonomia da universidade, e o financiamento da educação superior. A pesquisa parte da premissa de que as políticas públicas têm sido materializadas a partir de normas jurídicas. Assim, investigamos o Estado brasileiro, as políticas públicas por ele emanadas por meio de espécies normativas e suas implicações na educação superior. O estudo foi realizado por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica que consistiu num levantamento minucioso do ordenamento jurídico elaborado pelo Estado brasileiro para a educação superior a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988 até o ano de 2006. Detectamos que após a CF/88, no que concerne à autonomia da universidade e ao financiamento da educação superior, foram aprovadas quarenta e quatro normas jurídicas, sendo duas Emendas Constitucionais, onze Leis, três medidas provisórias, nove Decretos, dentre outras espécies normativas, que contribuíram para alterar de forma profunda o texto constitucional. No desenvolvimento do estudo iniciamos com a discussão sobre o Estado com vistas a estabelecer relações com o direito e as políticas públicas. Em seguida, traçamos uma contextualização histórica de todas as Constituições brasileiras, mas com ênfase no processo de redemocratização iniciado em 1974 e que culminou na CF/88, cuja característica essencial foi sua definição como a Carta Magna mais democrática que se tem nota no Brasil. Dessa carta, analisamos os artigos que inferem sobre a autonomia universitária e o financiamento da educação superior. Com base na discussão sobre o Estado regulador brasileiro e nas indicações fornecidas pela ciência do Direito constitucional, realizamos a análise da legislação pós-constitucional que define as políticas para a educação superior brasileira direcionada ao financiamento desse nível de ensino e à autonomia da universidade. Tendo como referência o texto constitucional, discorremos sobre o instituto jurídico do controle de constitucionalidade. O estudo apontou que grande parte das normas jurídicas infraconstitucionais, que regulamenta a educação superior brasileira, atua contra legem mater, quando, por exemplo, dispõe contra o art. 207 ao interferir sobre a escolha de dirigentes universitários, ferindo a capacidade da universidade se auto-legislar sobre assuntos que lhe são próprios, ou quando desvincula percentuais assegurados para o financiamento da educação superior, no caso da emenda constitucional de revisão n. 1/1994 e Emenda Constitucional n. 10/1996, ferindo princípios constitucionais e reproduzindo interesses do Estado capitalista neoliberal. O estudo apresenta contribuição para o campo das políticas públicas educacionais, vez que possibilita reflexões sobre a forma pela qual o direito público subjetivo à educação, assegurado no texto constitucional, vem sendo negado sistematicamente e de forma sucessiva pelos governos pós CF/88 que adotam o modelo de Estado neoliberal.