O registro do patrimônio cultural imaterial: as práticas do IPHAN e do IEPHA/MG

Patrimônio cultural é tudo aquilo que possui significado social e representa identidades, sendo dividido em duas principais categorias: material e imaterial. O reconhecimento deste último foi construído ao longo de um processo de maturação, ampliação de debates, legislação e ação de órgãos públicos nacionais e internacionais. No Brasil, a Constituição Federal de 1988 incorporou, ao lado do patrimônio material, as diversas formas de expressão e os modos de criar, fazer e viver, como patrimônio imaterial, adotando novos instrumentos de proteção aos bens culturais: o registro e o inventário. Entretanto, somente pelo Decreto 3.551/2000 é que o registro do imaterial foi definitivamente normatizado. Paulatinamente, ocorreu a descentralização da legislação e das políticas públicas, que passaram a ser compartilhadas por União, Estados e Municípios e, nesse sentido, um caso peculiar na gestão do patrimônio cultural ocorreu no estado de Minas Gerais, no qual o Instituto Estadual do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico de Minas Gerais (IEPHA/MG) assumiu um valioso papel na preservação do patrimônio cultural, onde as ações municipais voltadas ao patrimônio cultural no Estado contam com repasses financeiros, via distribuição do Imposto Sobre Mercadorias e Serviços (ICMS). Esse cenário propiciou um campo para a reflexão e debate sobre o papel e a função desse órgão estadual frente às práticas de identificação, valorização e promoção do patrimônio imaterial de Minas Gerais.

Letter to John Worthington: 13 August 1791

Letter to Worhtington, a Springfield, Massachusetts lawyer, regarding tax on a meeting house near Pittsfield, Massachusetts and public support for ministers.

Implementation of the Macroeconomic Adjustment Programmes in the Euro Area: State-of-Play. CEPS E-Book, 11 March 2014

Two of the four macroeconomic adjustment programmes – in Portugal and Ireland – can be considered a success in the sense that the initial expectations in terms of adjustment, both fiscal and external, were broadly fulfilled. A rebound based on exports has taken hold in these two countries, but a full recovery will take years. In Greece the initial plans were insufficient. While the strong impact of the fiscal adjustment on demand could have been partially anticipated at the time, the resistance to structural reforms was more surprising and remains difficult to cure. The fiscal adjustment is now almost completed, but the external adjustment has not proceeded well. Exports are stagnating despite impressive falls in wage costs. In Cyprus, the outcome has so far been less severe than initially feared. It is still too early to find robust evidence in any country that the programmes have increased the long-term growth potential. Survey-based evidence suggests that structural reforms have not yet taken hold. The EU-led macroeconomic adjustment programmes outside the euro area (e.g. Latvia) seem to have been much stricter, but the adjustment was quicker and followed by a stronger rebound.

Moldova – Heading into a hot autumn. EPC Policy Brief, 6 October 2014

After four years of negotiations, Moldova signed an Association Agreement (AA) including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) Agreement with the European Union (EU) on 27 June 2014. Ratified in the Moldovan Parliament on 2 July it came into provisional application on 1 September. While this development represents an important milestone in Moldova’s relations with the EU, the journey has not been easy. Russia has increased its presence and pressure in the region, as the country gets closer to bettering relations with the EU, Russia has increased its activities in Moldova, including in the autonomous region of Gagauzia and in the breakaway region of Transnistria. Alongside pressure from Russia, the next few months will be very politically challenging for Moldova, with internal and external developments continuing to shape Moldova’s future. Not only will Chisinau need to move ahead with the difficult and expensive implementation of the DCFTA, the ruling coalition simultaneously needs to campaign for the elections with very importantly, a united front. In this Policy Brief, Amanda Paul presents the state of play and the prospects of Moldova since signing the Association Agreement with the EU and explores the effects of Russian bans on exports and services, access to energy and trade as well as the role of the EU

The prospects for the EU-Ukraine free trade agreement. OSW Commentary No. 94, 2012-10-15

The European Union and Ukraine initialled the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Agreement (DCFTA) on 19 July 2012. The scope of the agreement which the EU and Ukraine reached following their negotiations is much more extensive than that of a typical free trade agreement. It envisages not only the lifting of tariff and extra-tariff barriers but also, more importantly, Kyiv adopting EU legal solutions and standards in this area. Whether the agreement will be signed and implemented is still an open question and depends on the existing political conditions. On the one hand, the repression imposed by the government in Kyiv on its political opponents (including the detention of the former prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko) has provoked criticism from the EU, which refuses to sign the agreement if the government in Kyiv continues to violate democratic principles. The manner in which Ukraine’s parliamentary elections are conducted this October will be the key test. On the other hand, Russia is increasingly active in its efforts to involve Ukraine in the integration projects it has initiated (the Customs Union and the Eurasian Economic Community). It should be noted that Moscow has effective instruments to exert its will, such as the dependence of the Ukrainian economy on supplies of Russian oil and gas and on exports to the Russian market. Besides, Moscow also has political instruments at its disposal. It is impossible to participate in integration projects both with the EU and with Russia. Therefore, Kyiv will have to make a strategic decision and choose the direction of its economic integration. Unless Ukraine takes concrete action to implement its agreements with the EU, primarily including the free trade agreement, its economic dependence on Russia will grow, and it will be more likely to join the Russian integration projects.

Development co-operation made in Germany. OSW REPORT 2015-07-29

For years, development policy has attracted the attention of public opinion in Germany and been strongly supported by the public. It takes the form of an agreement between equal partners who draw mutual benefits from this co-operation. German development policy is structured to support the German economy. This policy and the state’s significant share in development projects reduces the investment risk incurred by German entrepreneurs who engage their assets in developing countries. Furthermore, bilateral co-operation successfully builds the made in Germany brand as regards both development policy and further economic co-operation, making the beneficiaries of development co-operation indirectly dependent on German goods and services. Development co-operation, along with diplomacy and defence policy, is the third pillar of German foreign policy. In this context it plays above all a preventive function in the case of international conflicts. Investing funds as part of development projects in areas affected by military conflicts or facing a high risk of military conflict is viewed by Germany as its contribution to overcoming crises or removing their causes. This goes hand in hand with the conviction that international conflicts, wherever they appear, adversely affect the German economy, which heavily relies on exports.

National independence; or, A common-sense policy,

Employment demands protection.--Why any exclusive policy?--The free trade trap.--Protection enriched us, not free trade.--Free trade poisons patriotism.--Kill industries and commerce dies.--Theories are dangerous guides.--Industrial displacements spell ruin.--Independence the only policy.--The fatal policy of laissez faire.--"Cheap and nasty."--Our unearned increment.--Free trade a spiteful mistress.--The fertility of character.--We cultivate weakness, not strength.--Britons can manage British business.--Second markets.--The country's average wage.--If trusts, then British trusts.--Labour's true interests.--Germany and her navy.--Class-hatred is suicide.--The tax on wheat.--The little-Englander rat.--The seeds of decay.--Education and patriotism.--Intemperate legislators.--National strongholds.--Futile scheming.--The balance of power.--The suffragette among nations.--Naval warfare in the future.--Universal service.--Broken reeds.

The regulatory challenges in engineering a safer tipple

David Nutt asks two very important questions. Can we make alcohol safer? Can we use pharmacology and neuroscience to engineer a safer alternative to alcohol? The answer to the first question is clearly ‘yes’. We can make alcohol safer by encouraging drinkers to consume less alcohol per occasion. That goal can be accomplished by imposing lower taxes on lower alcohol beverages or a volumetric tax on alcoholic beverages (Babor et al., 2003).

The missing ingredient:inter-municipal cooperation and central-local relations in the UK

The thrust of the argument presented in this chapter is that inter-municipal cooperation (IMC) in the United Kingdom reflects local government's constitutional position and its exposure to the exigencies of Westminster (elected central government) and Whitehall (centre of the professional civil service that services central government). For the most part councils are without general powers of competence and are restricted in what they can do by Parliament. This suggests that the capacity for locally driven IMC is restricted and operates principally within a framework constructed by central government's policy objectives and legislation and the political expediencies of the governing political party. In practice, however, recent examples of IMC demonstrate that the practices are more complex than this initial analysis suggests. Central government may exert top-down pressures and impose hierarchical directives, but there are important countervailing forces. Constitutional changes in Scotland and Wales have shifted the locus of central- local relations away from Westminster and Whitehall. In England, the seeding of English government regional offices in 1994 has evolved into an important structural arrangement that encourages councils to work together. Within the local government community there is now widespread acknowledgement that to achieve the ambitious targets set by central government, councils are, by necessity, bound to cooperate and work with other agencies. In recent years, the fragmentation of public service delivery has affected the scope of IMC. Elected local government in the UK is now only one piece of a complex jigsaw of agencies that provides services to the public; whether it is with non-elected bodies, such as health authorities, public protection authorities (police and fire), voluntary nonprofit organisations or for-profit bodies, councils are expected to cooperate widely with agencies in their localities. Indeed, for projects such as regeneration and community renewal, councils may act as the coordinating agency but the success of such projects is measured by collaboration and partnership working (Davies 2002). To place these developments in context, IMC is an example of how, in spite of the fragmentation of traditional forms of government, councils work with other public service agencies and other councils through the medium of interagency partnerships, collaboration between organisations and a mixed economy of service providers. Such an analysis suggests that, following changes to the system of local government, contemporary forms of IMC are less dependent on vertical arrangements (top-down direction from central government) as they are replaced by horizontal modes (expansion of networks and partnership arrangements). Evidence suggests, however that central government continues to steer local authorities through the agency of inspectorates and regulatory bodies, and through policy initiatives, such as local strategic partnerships and local area agreements (Kelly 2006), thus questioning whether, in the case of UK local government, the shift from hierarchy to network and market solutions is less differentiated and transformation less complete than some literature suggests. Vertical or horizontal pressures may promote IMC, yet similar drivers may deter collaboration between local authorities. An example of negative vertical pressure was central government's change of the systems of local taxation during the 1980s. The new taxation regime replaced a tax on property with a tax on individual residency. Although the community charge lasted only a few years, it was a highpoint of the then Conservative government policy that encouraged councils to compete with each other on the basis of the level of local taxation. In practice, however, the complexity of local government funding in the UK rendered worthless any meaningful ambition of councils competing with each other, especially as central government granting to local authorities is predicated (however imperfectly) on at least notional equalisation between those areas with lower tax yields and the more prosperous locations. Horizontal pressures comprise factors such as planning decisions. Over the last quarter century, councils have competed on the granting of permission to out-of-town retail and leisure complexes, now recognised as detrimental to neighbouring authorities because economic forces prevail and local, independent shops are unable to compete with multiple companies. These examples illustrate tensions at the core of the UK polity of whether IMC is feasible when competition between local authorities heightened by local differences reduces opportunities for collaboration. An alternative perspective on IMC is to explore whether specific purposes or functions promote or restrict it. Whether in the principle areas of local government responsibilities relating to social welfare, development and maintenance of the local infrastructure or environmental matters, there are examples of IMC. But opportunities have diminished considerably as councils lost responsibility for services provision as a result of privatisation and transfer of powers to new government agencies or to central government. Over the last twenty years councils have lost their role in the provision of further-or higher-education, public transport and water/sewage. Councils have commissioning power but only a limited presence in providing housing needs, social care and waste management. In other words, as a result of central government policy, there are, in practice, currently far fewer opportunities for councils to cooperate. Since 1997, the New Labour government has promoted IMC through vertical drivers and the development; the operation of these policy initiatives is discussed following the framework of the editors. Current examples of IMC are notable for being driven by higher tiers of government, working with subordinate authorities in principal-agent relations. Collaboration between local authorities and intra-interand cross-sectoral partnerships are initiated by central government. In other words, IMC is shaped by hierarchical drivers from higher levels of government but, in practice, is locally varied and determined less by formula than by necessity and function. © 2007 Springer.

Biofuel subsidies and international trade

This paper explores optimal biofuel subsidies in a general equilibrium trade model. The focus is on the production of biofuels such as corn-based ethanol, which diverts corn from use as food. In the small-country case, when the tax on crude is not available as a policy option, a second-best biofuel subsidy may or may not be positive. In the large-country case, the twin objectives of pollution reduction and terms-of-trade improvement justify a combination of crude tax and biofuel subsidy for the food exporter. Finally, we show that when both nations engage in biofuel policies, the terms-of-trade effects encourage the Nash equilibrium subsidy to be positive (negative) for the food exporting (importing) nation. © 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

Az agrárkereskedelem változása Magyarország és az Európai Unió között a csatlakozás után (The post-accession change in agricultural trading between Hungary and the EU)

2004-ben Magyarország kilenc közép-kelet-európai országgal együtt csatlakozott az Európai Unióhoz, ami számos változást idézett elő az agrárkereskedelem terén. A cikk célja, hogy a legfrissebb adatok és a szakirodalmi fejlemények tükrében bemutassa, hogyan alakult Magyarországon a mezőgazdasági alapanyagok és a feldolgozott termékek kereskedelme az Európai Unióval. A megnyilvánuló komparatív előnyök módszerét alkalmazva a cikk számos következtetésre jutott. Először is világossá vált, hogy a csatlakozás növelte az agrárkereskedelem intenzitását, ám negatív hatással volt a kereskedelem egyenlegére. Kimutatható továbbá, hogy Magyarország az alacsony hozzáadott értékű alapanyagexportra és a magas hozzáadott értékű feldolgozott termékek importjára koncentrált a csatlakozás után, noha ezek komparatív előnyei nagymértékben megváltoztak egy hatékony alkalmazkodási folyamat következtében. A változások tényét támasztják alá a különböző rövid és hosszú távú stabilitásvizsgálatok is, amelyek az agrártermékek megnövekedett versenyére utalnak az EU-15 piacán. Agrárpolitikai szempontból az elemzések alátámasztják a strukturális reformok szükségességét. / === / Numerous changes in agricultural trading from the EU accession of Hungary and nine other Central-East European countries in 2004. The article sets out to present, in the light of the latest figures and written contributions, how Hungary’s EU trade in agricultural raw and semi-processed products developed thereafter. It uses the method of manifest comparative advantages to reach its conclusions. First, it became clear that accession increased the intensity of agricultural trading, although it had a detrimental effect on the trade balance. It also appeared that post-accession Hungary was concentrating on exports of basic materials of low added value and imports of processed articles with high added value, although these comparative advantages were much altered by an effective process of adaptation. The fact of the changes is supported by various short and long-term stability examinations, which point to increased competition for agricultural products on EU15 markets. From the policy point of view, the analyses support the need for structural reforms.

AUTOMÓVEIS CHINESES CHERY NO MERCADO BRASILEIRO (2010-2014) – UM ESTUDO DE CASO

A globalização possibilitou aos países buscarem seus consumidores em qualquer parte, sendo o Brasil o quarto mercado consumidor de automóveis do mundo, e praticamente todos os fabricantes globais buscaram estar presentes neste mercado. Com os chineses, detentores do título de maiores produtores mundiais de automóveis, não seria diferente. Contudo, ao contrário do crescimento constante de sua produção mundial, viram suas vendas estagnarem em baixos níveis no Brasil nos últimos anos. O objetivo deste estudo é compreender o mau desempenho de vendas da marca Chery no Brasil, sob a óptica dos gerentes de vendas das agências de carros usados e dos ex-proprietários. Para tentar responder a esta questão, optou-se por um estudo de caráter exploratório, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica e uma pesquisa qualitativa, com entrevistas abertas em profundidade com base em um roteiro preestabelecido e um recorte na cidade de São Paulo – SP. Utilizou-se também uma pesquisa secundária em meios eletrônicos, que confirmou as informações obtidas na pesquisa de campo. Conforme apresentado no trabalho, todas as marcas tiveram redução em suas vendas, porém, as marcas chinesas sofreram maiores reduções que às marcas ditas nacionais. Na pesquisa, observa-se que três fatores foram decisivos para o mau desempenho das marcas chinesas e, consequentemente, da marca Chery também. O primeiro foi o aumento do Imposto sobre Produtos Industrializados (IPI), o segundo foi a crise econômica que o Brasil atravessa e o terceiro foi a rejeição aos carros da Chery. Essa rejeição deveu-se a vários fatores, somados às experiências negativas que consumidores tiveram com marcas de veículos importados que deixaram o país, a imagem de que produtos chineses são cópias e ao hipotético preconceito que produtos chineses são de baixa qualidade. Portanto, ouvindo os entrevistados e por meio dos comentários sobre a marca Chery nos meios eletrônicos, pode-se deduzir que somente a crise econômica e o aumento de impostos não justificam totalmente o mau desempenho de vendas da marca Chery. Essa análise indica que os fatores de rejeição aos veículos da marca Chery tiveram participação decisiva nesta queda significativa de suas vendas no período de 2010 a 2014.

The Affordable Care Act and the Transformation of US Health Care

The neoliberal period was accompanied by a momentous transformation within the US health care system.  As the result of a number of political and historical dynamics, the healthcare law signed by President Barack Obama in 2010 ‑the Affordable Care Act (ACA)‑ drew less on universal models from abroad than it did on earlier conservative healthcare reform proposals. This was in part the result of the influence of powerful corporate healthcare interests. While the ACA expands healthcare coverage, it does so incompletely and unevenly, with persistent uninsurance and disparities in access based on insurance status. Additionally, the law accommodates an overall shift towards a consumerist model of care characterized by high cost sharing at time of use. Finally, the law encourages the further consolidation of the healthcare sector, for instance into units named “Accountable Care Organizations” that closely resemble the health maintenance organizations favored by managed care advocates. The overall effect has been to maintain a fragmented system that is neither equitable nor efficient. A single payer universal system would, in contrast, help transform healthcare into a social right.

Comércio electrónico - O tratamento contabilístico e fiscal das transacções via comércio electrómico

Mestrado em Contabilidade Internacional

IVA nas autarquias locais - Enquadramento da gestão de parques de estacionamento

Mestrado em Fiscalidade