Radical Conservatism

In 1938, Yugoslav sculptor Oscar Nemon arrived in Britain, having fled the Nazi invasion of Brussels, where he was living with Magritte. He was part of the European avant-garde that came to the UK as a refugee. Shortly thereafter, Nemon proposed a bold architectural plan to construct a temple of universal ethics in London and was in correspondence over this with central figures in Britain. After the war, he became know for his portrayal of figures like Churchil, culminating in a bust of Margaret Thatcher that is currently at the Tory HQ. Shown at Castlefield Gallery in 2013-2014, Radical Conservatism was an exhibition that explored the space between these two moments and asked whether these two terms are really antithetical. In the British context in particular, where the European avant-garde never really took hold, a kind of reactionary modernism has always defined a culture wary of revolution. But today more than ever, with the left increasingly holding on to the past of the welfare state as an ideal, and the right quietly revolutionising our world through neoliberal reforms, the paradigms of radicalism and conservatism need to be redefined. Can conservatism be seen as a radical position in itself? If art is defined by a movement towards the new - could 'holding on to the past' stubbornly be seen as a critical position, now that neo-liberalism has forced a far more radical shift in politics than the left has managed in a long time? Curated by Pil and Galia Kollectiv, featuring work by Chris Evans, IRWIN, Pil and Galia Kollectiv, Joseph Lewis, Patrick Moran, Oscar Nemon and Public Movement and a symposium with contributions from Professor Alun Rowlands and Robert Garnett.

Conspicuous redemption? Reflections on the promises and perils of the 'celebritization' of climate change

With rising public awareness of climate change, celebrities have become an increasingly important community of non nation-state ‘actors’ influencing discourse and action, thereby comprising an emergent climate science–policy–celebrity complex. Some feel that these amplified and prominent voices contribute to greater public understanding of climate change science, as well as potentially catalyze climate policy cooperation. However, critics posit that increased involvement from the entertainment industry has not served to influence substantive long-term advancements in these arenas; rather, it has instead reduced the politics of climate change to the domain of fashion and fad, devoid of political and public saliency. Through tracking media coverage in Australia, Canada, the United States, and United Kingdom, we map out the terrain of a ‘Politicized Celebrity System’ in attempts to cut through dualistic characterizations of celebrity involvement in politics. We develop a classification system of the various types of climate change celebrity activities, and situate movements in contemporary consumer- and spectacle-driven carbon-based society. Through these analyses, we place dynamic and contested interactions in a spatially and temporally-sensitive ‘Cultural Circuits of Climate Change Celebrities’ model. In so doing, first we explore how these newly ‘authorized’ speakers and ‘experts’ might open up spaces in the public sphere and the science/policy nexus through ‘celebritization’ effects. Second, we examine how the celebrity as the ‘heroic individual’ seeking ‘conspicuous redemption’ may focus climate change actions through individualist frames. Overall, this paper explores potential promises, pitfalls and contradictions of this increasingly entrenched set of ‘agents’ in the cultural politics of climate change. Thus, as a form of climate change action, we consider whether it is more effective to ‘plant’ celebrities instead of trees.

Transformation through translation: translation policies at Amnesty International

International non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are powerful political players who aim to influence global society. In order to be effective on a global scale, they must communicate their goals and achievements in different languages. Translation and translation policy play an essential role here. Despite NGOs’ important position in politics and society, not much is known about how these organisations, who often have limited funds available, organise their translation work. This study aims to contribute to Translation Studies, and more specifically to investigating institutional translation, by exploring translation policies at Amnesty International, one of the most successful and powerful human rights NGOs around the world. Translation policy is understood as comprising three components: translation management, translation practices, and translation beliefs, based on Spolsky’s study of language policy (2004). The thesis investigates how translation is organised and what kind of policies different Amnesty offices have in place, and how this is reflected in their translation products. The thesis thus also pursues how translation and translation policy impact on the organisation’s message and voice as it is spread around the world. An ethnographic approach is used for the analysis of various data sets that were collected during fieldwork. These include policy documents, guidelines on writing and translation, recorded interviews, e-mail correspondence, and fieldnotes. The thesis at first explores Amnesty’s global translation policy, and then presents the results of a comparative analysis of local translation policies at two concrete institutions: Amnesty International Language Resource Centre in Paris (AILRC-FR) and Amnesty International Vlaanderen (AIVL). A corpus of English source texts and Dutch (AIVL) and French (AILRC-FR) target texts are analysed. The findings of the analysis of translation policies and of the translation products are then combined to illustrate how translation impacts on Amnesty’s message and voice. The research results show that there are large differences in how translation is organised depending on the local office and the language(s), and that this also influences the way in which Amnesty’s message and voice are represented. For Dutch and French specifically, translation policies and translation products differ considerably. The thesis describes how these differences are often the result of different beliefs and assumptions relating to translation, and that staff members within Amnesty are not aware of the different conceptions of translation that exist within Amnesty International as a formal institution. Organising opportunities where translation can be discussed (meetings, workshops, online platforms) can help in reducing such differences. The thesis concludes by suggesting that an increased awareness of these issues will enable Amnesty to make more effective use of translation in its fight against human rights violations.

The Commonwealth, gender and peacekeeping

Reflecting on the strategic commitment outlined in the Plan of Action for Gender Equality (2005-2015) and the priority issues of the Commonwealth Women’s Forum, this article assesses the extent to which the Commonwealth as an institution is supporting troop and police-contributing member states in addressing the gender imbalance in peacekeeping operations. Drawing on desk-based research, interviews with international policymakers and a statistical analysis of the International Peace Institute Peacekeeping Database, the article first outlines the Commonwealth’s gender and security policy perspective before examining data sets to determine the success of Commonwealth member states in integrating women into uniformed peacekeeping contingencies between 2009 and 2015. The article observes that, in spite of a renewed optimism and drive to propel women into leadership positions in politics, the judiciary, public bodies and private companies, security sector reform and the implementation of pillar one of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325, is notably absent from the Commonwealth’s gender agenda. It is argued that this policy gap suggests that national and international security architecture is regarded as an accepted domain of masculine privilege. A lack of political will among Commonwealth Heads of Government to mainstream gender equality and facilitate structural transformation of national security organs, and a chronically under resourced Commonwealth Secretariat limits the influence of the institution to that of arms-length promoter of international norms on women, peace and security.

As consequências econômicas e sociais da representação legislativa das mulheres

Com o aumento progressivo do percentual das mulheres nas câmaras legislativas do mundo, examinamos quais seriam suas consequências em decisões de gastos públicos, saúde e educação na pré-infância e até na aprovação de medidas polêmicas, como o aborto sob demanda. Sob a luz dos modelos de ``cidadão-candidato'' e com base em evidências empíricas de que mulheres têm preferências políticas mais voltadas ao bem-estar social, utilizamos o método do corte seccional aplicado a médias no tempo a fim de testar nossas hipóteses. De fato, a presença feminina nos congressos do mundo traz maiores gastos públicos sobre produto, direcionados principalmente a saúde e educação, além de uma redução nos gastos militares. Nas taxas de matrícula em educação pré-primária, também há influência positiva de parlamentares do gênero feminino, o mesmo não podendo ser dito sobre indicadores de saúde infantil. Em uma análise gráfica, encontramos relação positiva entre mulheres nos parlamentos e legalização do aborto e do casamento homossexual.

Relações civis-militares e as leis de acesso a informação na América Latina e no Brasil

Na América Latina, um vasto legado de regimes militares tem contribuído para o fortalecimento de uma cultura de sigilo nos governos. Além da defesa da pátria contra a ameaça comunista, a maioria destes golpes se deveu a um senso de dever das Forças Armadas em preservar o Estado. Deste ponto de vista, os próprios militares seriam os mais qualificados para determinar quando e como intervir na ordem política interna. No entanto, justificar a intervenção militar na ordem política interna é sempre um empreendimento repleto de contradições e riscos graves para a liberdade. Este contexto levou os estudiosos e autoridades a repensarem o controle civil sobre os militares, e a redefinirem os papéis das forças armadas. Neste processo de consolidação da democracia, os militares ainda mantêm alguns poderes políticos e de veto dentro dos governos civis. O controle civil democrático das Forças Armadas na América Latina enfrenta a falta de incentivos políticos para os civis a se envolverem e se especializarem no assunto, já que não há ameaças internas, quer externas observadas. De fato, a região tem sido considerada como uma "zona de paz", onde os esforços diplomáticos prevaleceriam sobre conflitos armados. A promulgação de leis de acesso à informação pública (LAI) abre uma maneira inteiramente nova de escrutínio público – uma democracia monitorial, que afeta diretamente a autonomia militar e sua cultura organizacional. No estudo do surgimento e da força legal das LAI na América Latina, as relações entre civis e militares não foram consideradas em profundidade como um fator influente. Buscou-se traçar uma relação entre, por um lado, a existência de LAI, a data de aprovação da LAI e sua força geral e exceções, e por outro lado, as relações civis-militares na América Latina. Um número considerável de países suporta que as relações civis-militares influenciam a regulamentação das exceções e o momento em que a lei foi aprovada. Há uma tendência geral na América Latina a adotar LAI fracas na regulamentação de exceções. Também foi feito um estudo de caso do Brasil, país muito representativo da influência militar na política. Concluiu-se que as relações entre civis e militares no Brasil foram um fator de grande influência na aprovação final da LAI no país. Este estudo contribui para a construção de uma ponte entre as agendas de pesquisa de transparência e de relações civis-militares, com várias possibilidades de estudos de casos comparados.

Um Vice-reinado na República do pós-30: Juarez Távora, as interventorias do Norte e a Guerra de 1932

Esta tese investiga a trajetória da região geopolítica conhecida como Norte, durante o Governo Provisório varguista (1930-1934). Ela começou a ser gestada no imediato pós- 30 e, nos anos seguintes, tornou-se uma das forças políticas mais ativas de todo o período. O Norte era formado pelo então território federal do Acre e os estado do Amazonas, Pará, Maranhão, Piauí, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe, Bahia e Espírito Santo. Nesta conjuntura, as principais posições políticas e militares nesses estados passaram a ser ocupadas pelos que adotaram a autodesignação de revolucionários nortistas. A invenção e consolidação dessa identidade política tinha como elemento agregador o reconhecimento de Juarez Távora como grande líder e representante dos interesses da região junto ao Governo Provisório. Chamado ironicamente, por seus opositores, de “Vice-rei do Norte”, Távora liderou esse grupo durante todo o período, construindo uma importante aliança entre essa região geopolítica e o Governo Provisório. Desse modo, o Norte, seus revolucionários e seu líder foram os principais apoiadores de Vargas na defesa do projeto de centralização política, em oposição a outras correntes, sobretudo as que pregavam o retorno ao regime constitucional. Dessa forma, o Norte participou decisivamente do processo de radicalização que desembocou na guerra civil de 1932, enviando milhares de soldados para os campos de batalha e combatendo, dentro da região, os possíveis aliados do movimento rebelde liderado por São Paulo. Com o fim da guerra e confirmado o retorno do país ao regime constitucional, apesar da tentativa de permanecer como um grande bloco político, a região se fragmenta e os antigos laços que definiam a identidade dos revolucionários nortistas se dissolvem, assim como a liderança indiscutível de seu líder e herói, Juarez Távora.

Entre a potência e o ato: atitudes políticas e percepções de mobilização em Natal e Porto Alegre

The recent democratic process in Brazil made it as element for its consolidation the idea of participation. It requires a state model that included on its agenda democratic society participation in decision-making process, and a society that has as a principle based participatory civic consciousness. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the level of political participation in two Brazilian state capitals , Natal and Porto Alegre. Data were obtained through quantitative data from the application of 384 questionnaires in both capitals. We chose some variables that will form the basis for our study; Duties of a good citizen, a good citizen rights, Confidence, Index of socialization, exposure to media, degree of interest in politics; Mobilization; Associations. Already qualitative research sought to address the political, cultural and institutional of the two municipalities

A Constituição Federal de 1988 e a integração regional : o desafio da harmonização tributária

As an effect of the growing interdependence in international relations, regional integration was conceived to face globalization, with a remarkable influence in politics and law, since the first steps of the European experience. In Latin America, regional integration ideas have blossomed in the 60 s. Among its experiences, MERCOSUL is the one with the most advanced objectives. However, MERCOSUL has not managed to achieve the objectives planned nor moved forward the integration process. Differently of what happened in Europe, in MERCOSUL the common market projected is concluded. It faced many disappointments throughout its brief history. As it matters to law, those were caused by the absence of supranationality, a mechanism that would allow MERCOSUL s decisions to be directly binding in the States with no need of bureaucratic proceedings to incorporate them to national legal systems. Among Latin American States, Brazil is probably the most resistant to integration process, due to Federal Constitution 1988 rigidity and legal professionals conservadorism towards opening legal system to international law. In Brazil hermeneutical standards are always based on national sovereignty and international law is referred as less important. The problems become more visible relating to taxation, a subject that plays an enormous role in integration process for its economic impact, demanding the execution of tax harmonization policies compatible to the integration levels aspired. However, because of the large number of tax rules in the Federal Constitution, structural changes initiatives face difficulties in order to be implemented. Actually, after two Constitutional Reforms on taxation, Brazil has not yet succeeded on promoting the necessary adaptations to regional integration. The research has confirmed the hypothesis that supranationality has indispensably to be adopted if Brazil really desires to move forward the integration process. But it has also been demonstrated that there are hermeneutical paths suitable to the constitutional profile which allow the adoption of supranationality, through the revision of the sovereignty traditional concept

Avaliação de implementação da Educação Superior a Distância: o caso da Secretaria de Educação a Distância da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte SEDIS/UFRN

The considerable expansion of Distance Education registered in recent years in Brazil raises the importance of debate about how the implementation of this policy has been happening so that formulators and implementers make better informed decisions, maximizing results, identifying successes and overcoming bottlenecks. This study aims to evaluate the implementation process of Distance Education policy by Secretary of Distance Education of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte. For this, we sought to use an evaluation proposal consistent with this policy, and came to the one developed by Sonia Draibe (2001), which suggests an analysis called anatomy of evaluation general process. To achieve the objectives, we made a qualitative research, case study type, using documentary research and semi-structured interviews with three groups of subjects who belong to the policy: managers, technicians and beneficiaries. It was concluded that: the implementation process needs a open contact channel between the management and technicians and beneficiaries; the lack of clarity in the dissemination of information between technicians produces noises that affects the outcomes; the absence of dissemination of internal and external actions contributes to the perpetuation of prejudice in relation to Distance Education; using selection criteria based on competence and merit contributes to form a team of skilled technicians to perform their function within the policy; an institution that do not enable technicians generates gaps that possibly will turn into policy implementation failures; all subjects involved in politics need internal evaluations to contribute to improvements in the implementation process, however, a gap is opened between the subjects if there is no socialization of results; the existence of an internal structure that manipulates financial resources and balances the budget from different maintainer programs is essencial; the consortium between IES and municipalities in presential support poles are bottlenecks in the process, since beneficiaries are exposed to inconsistency and lack of commitment of these local municipalities

Social Panorama of Latin America 2002-2003

Includes bibliography

Storytelling do blog Me leva Brasil: desdobramento de conteúdo midiático da TV, interação com o telespectador e propaganda

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

A Igreja Universal e a política: o caso de Marília

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A mão oculta: Estevam Marcolino : política e modernidade no interior paulista (1889-1914)

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Candido Mota e a política de atendimento a menores delinquentes no Estado de São Paulo, 1894-1909

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)