"The Godfather goes to Brussels". A evolução do conceito de crime organizado no contexto da área de liberdade, segurança e justiça

Oartigo tem como objectivo reconstruir de forma crítica o discurso da união europeia relativa-mente ao crime organizado, tentando estabelecer uma relação entre este e um discurso mais lato sobre a criação e desenvolvimento da área de liber-dade, Segurança e Justiça (alsj). ésalientada a forma como os argumen-tos justificadores de uma cooperação mais profunda da alsjassentaram na necessidade de compensar pelas exter-nalidades negativas do mercado interno e de proteger a liberdade de circulação de possíveis abusos. esta tendência levou à gradual institucio-nalização da área de Justiça e assuntos internos a nível europeu, caracterizada por uma luta permanente entre a sua intergovernamentalização e a comuni-tarização This article aims at tracing, critically, the European Union’s discourse on organized crime, by establishing its relation with a wider discourse on the creation and development of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (afsj). It pointed out how the rationale for the afsj’s deeper integration was the need to compensate for the negative externalities of the Internal Market and to protect the liberty of movement from abuse. This trend led to the definition of a balance between freedom and security, characterized by a gradual eu institutionalization of Justice and Home Affairs and a permanent struggle between the intergovernmentalisation and the communitarization of this area.

Preimplantation genetic diagnosis: Analysis of gene expression, nuclear DNA and cytoplasmic DNA

Preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD) following in vitro fertilization (IVF) offers couples at risk for transmitting genetic disorders the opportunity to identify affected embryos prior to replacement. In particular, embryo gender determination permits screening for X-linked diseases of unknown etiology. Analysis of embryos can be performed by polymerase chain reaction (PCR) amplification of material obtained by micromanipulation. This approach provides an alternative to the termination of an established pregnancy following chorionic villi sampling or amniocentesis. ^ Lately, the focus of preimplantation diagnosis and intervention has been shifting toward an attempt to correct cytoplasmic deficiencies. Accordingly, it is the aim of this investigation to develop methods to permit the examination of single cells or components thereof for clinical evaluation. In an attempt to lay the groundwork for precise therapeutic intervention for age related aneuploidy, transcripts encoding proteins believed to be involved in the proper segregation of chromosomes during human oocyte maturation were examined and quantified. Following fluorescent rapid cycle RT-PCR analysis it was determined that the concentration of cell cycle checkpoint gene transcripts decreases significantly as maternal age increases. Given the well established link between increasing maternal age and the incidence of aneuploidy, these results suggest that the degradation of these messages in aging oocytes may be involved with inappropriate chromosome separation during meiosis. ^ In order to investigate the cause of embryonic rescue observed following clinical cytoplasmic transfer procedures and with the objective of developing a diagnostic tool, mtDNA concentrations in polar bodies and subcellular components were evaluated. First, the typical concentration of mtDNA in human and mouse oocytes was determined by fluorescent rapid cycle PCR. Some disparity was noted between the copy numbers of individual cytoplasmic samples which may limit the use of the current methodology for the clinical assessment of the corresponding oocyte. ^

The Security Challenges for the 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympic Games

Brazilians greeted the long-awaited decision of making Rio de Janeiro the host of the 2016 Olympic Games with tremendous exhilaration. Although Rio’s fantastic natural beauty certainly added to its attraction in hosting the games, its alarming rates of urban crime and violence largely associated with drug trafficking immediately triggered worldwide criticism, and put at issue its ability to guarantee the security for the games. Brazilians have been vying for a position as an emerging global economy and understand the importance of the Games for international prestige. This makes the stakes very high when hosting the Olympic Games in the wake of the 2014 Soccer World Cup, which will also be held in Brazil. This paper explores these criticisms and assesses Rio’s ability to prepare for this important event. The paper further explores the consensus that Brazilians will be more equipped to address actions taken by organized crime capable of affecting the Olympic Games than to face a terrorist attack. Brazil – and Rio – does not figure in the “terrorism map” as a region particularly linked to terrorism. Aside from uncorroborated suspicions of activities by terrorist organizations on the Tri-Border region (Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay), Brazil does not elicit many concerns regarding terrorism.1 Yet, there is no way to guarantee that terrorist organizations will not try to make use of the 2016 Rio Olympic Games to advance their agenda. This being in mind, Rio and Brazil in general face a long road ahead to prepare, prevent, protect and respond to a possible terrorist attack during the 2016 Olympics. It is clear that prevention and preparation towards potential threats to the Games must necessarily include cooperation and exchange of best practices with other countries. 1 U.S. Department of State has confirmed that this area may have been used to transport weapons and conduct financial affairs in the past. This type of activity has been made more difficult with the fortification of border controls in more recent times.

Guatemala: A Failing State?

 Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO).  Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible.  The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it.  The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

Beyond the Pay: Current Illicit Activities of the Armed Forces in Central America

The growth of criminal gangs and organized crime groups has created unprecedented challenges in Central America. Homicide rates are among the highest in the world, countries spend on average close to 10 percent of GDP to respond to the challenges of public insecurity, and the security forces are frequently overwhelmed and at times coopted by the criminal groups they are increasingly tasked to counter. With some 90 percent of the 700 metric tons of cocaine trafficked from South America to the United States passing through Central America, the lure of aiding illegal traffickers through provision of arms, intelligence, or simply withholding or delaying the use of force is enormous. These conditions raise the question: to what extent are militaries in Central America compromised by illicit ties to criminal groups? The study focuses on three cases: Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Honduras. It finds that: Although illicit ties between the military and criminal groups have grown in the last decade, militaries in these countries are not yet “lost’ to criminal groups. Supplying criminal groups with light arms from military stocks is typical and on the rise, but still not common. In general the less exposed services, the navies and air forces, are the most reliable and effective ones in their roles in interdiction. Of the three countries in the study, the Honduran military is the most worrying because it is embedded in a context where civilian corruption is extremely common, state institutions are notoriously weak, and the political system remains polarized and lacks the popular legitimacy and political will needed to make necessary reforms. Overall, the armed forces in the three countries remain less compromised than civilian peers, particularly the police. However, in the worsening crime and insecurity context, there is a limited window of opportunity in which to introduce measures targeted toward the military, and such efforts can only succeed if opportunities for corruption in other sectors of the state, in particular in law enforcement and the justice system, are also addressed. Measures targeted toward the military should include: Enhanced material benefits and professional education opportunities that open doors for soldiers in promising legitimate careers once they leave military service. A clear system of rewards and punishments specifically designed to deter collusion with criminal groups. More effective securing of military arsenals. Skills and external oversight leveraged through combined operations, to build cooperation among those sectors of the military that have successful and clean records in countering criminal groups, and to expose weaker forces to effective best practices.

Building Regional Security: Cooperation in the 21st Century: The Case of the Caribbean Regional Security System [RSS]

Small states that lack capacity and act on their own may fall victim to international and domestic terrorism, transnational organized crime or criminal gangs. The critical issue is not whether small Caribbean states should cooperate in meeting security challenges, but it is rather in what manner, and by which mechanisms can they overcome obstacles in the way of cooperation. The remit of the Regional Security System (RSS) has expanded dramatically, but its capabilities have improved very slowly. The member governments of the RSS are reluctant to develop military capacity beyond current levels since they see economic and social development and disaster relief as priorities, requiring little investment in military hardware. The RSS depends on international donors such as the USA, Canada, Great Britain, and increasingly China to fund training programs, maintain equipment and acquire material. In the view of most analysts, an expanded regional arrangement based on an RSS nucleus is not likely in the foreseeable future. Regional political consensus remains elusive and the predominance of national interests over regional considerations continues to serve as an obstacle to any CARICOM wide regional defense mechanism. Countries in the Caribbean, including the members of the RSS, have to become more responsible for their own security from their own resources. While larger CARICOM economies can do this, it would be difficult for most OECS members of the RSS to do the same. The CARICOM region including the RSS member countries, have undertaken direct regional initiatives in security collaboration. Implementation of the recommendations of the Regional Task Force on Crime and Security (RTFCS) and the structure and mechanisms created for the staging of the Cricket World Cup (CWC 2007) resulted in unprecedented levels of cooperation and permanent legacy institutions for the regional security toolbox. The most important tier of security relationships for the region is the United States and particularly USSOUTHCOM. The Caribbean Basin Security Initiative [CBSI] in which the countries of the RSS participate is a useful U.S. sponsored tool to strengthen the capabilities of the Caribbean countries and promote regional ownership of security initiatives. Future developments under discussion by policy makers in the Caribbean security environment include the granting of law enforcement authority to the military, the formation of a single OECS Police Force, and the creation of a single judicial and law enforcement space. The RSS must continue to work with its CARICOM partners, as well as with the traditional “Atlantic Powers” particularly Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom to implement a general framework for regional security collaboration. Regional security cooperation should embrace wider traditional and non-traditional elements of security appropriate to the 21st century. Security cooperation must utilize to the maximum the best available institutions, mechanisms, techniques and procedures already available in the region. The objective should not be the creation of new agencies but rather the generation of new resources to take effective operations to higher cumulative levels. Security and non-security tools should be combined for both strategic and operational purposes. Regional, hemispheric, and global implications of tactical and operational actions must be understood and appreciated by the forces of the RSS member states. The structure and mechanisms, created for the staging of Cricket World Cup 2007 should remain as legacy institutions and a toolbox for improving regional security cooperation in the Caribbean. RSS collaboration should build on the process of operational level synergies with traditional military partners. In this context, the United States must be a true partner with shared interests, and with the ability to work unobtrusively in a nationalistic environment. Withdrawal of U.S. support for the RSS is not an option.

Systematic review and meta-analysis of diagnostic accuracy of percutaneous renal tumour biopsy

Funding/Support and role of the sponsor: None.

Systematic review and meta-analysis of diagnostic accuracy of percutaneous renal tumour biopsy

Funding/Support and role of the sponsor: None.

Soixante ans de règlements de compte au Québec

Objectifs. Les objectifs de ce mémoire sont au nombre de deux. Le premier objectif est scindé en deux : l’objectif 1A est d’évaluer l’apport et la validité/fiabilité de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de compte amorcée par Cordeau dans sa thèse de doctorat de 1991 puis d’étendre la portée de cette analyse descriptive de part et d’autre des années 1970-1986. Ceci sera fait afin de voir si les règlements de compte de la période de Cordeau diffèrent de notre ensemble; l’objectif 1B est d’évaluer différents taux afin de voir lesquels nous permettent de mieux comprendre les grandes tendances des règlements de compte et leurs vagues. Enfin, le deuxième objectif est d’utiliser l’analyse de réseau afin de confirmer certains points ressortant de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de comptes et d’analyser la structure sociale du règlement de compte au Québec entre 1953 et 2013. Méthodologie. En faisant appel à Allô Police et plusieurs autres sources médiatiques, nous avons constitué une base de données des règlements de comptes québécois entre de 1953 à 2013. Nos analyses font appel à une approche holistique qui intègre à la fois l’analyse statistique descriptive, les tableaux croisés, l’analyse temporelle et l’analyse de réseau afin de bien cerner la question des règlements de compte. Résultats. Nos principaux résultats sont au nombre de quatre: 1) les grandes tendances qu’avait trouvées Cordeau entre 1970-1986 s’appliquent pour l’ensemble des règlements de compte de 1953 à 2013. Ainsi, peu de variations importantes ont été observées entre nos règlements de compte et ceux de Cordeau ; 2) les taux alternatifs se basant sur la population carcérale ou criminelle ne permettent pas de mieux comprendre les règlements de compte par rapport à un taux basé sur la population générale. Par contre, les proportions proposées par Morselli et al (2008) amènent une meilleure conception des périodes d’effervescences du milieu; 3) les groupes criminels qui sont plus exposés à la violence sont aussi ceux qui ont le plus recours à la violence et; 4) les indépendants occupent une place importante parmi les victimes de règlements de compte et ont donc une place importante dans le milieu criminel. Conclusion. Nos résultats font état du besoin d’intégrer différentes approches théoriques et méthodologiques afin de bien cerner la question complexe qu’est le règlement de compte. Avec les avenues de recherches identifiées à la fin de ce mémoire, nous espérons que la relève sera en mesure de mettre à profit les apprentissages de ce mémoire.

Soixante ans de règlements de compte au Québec

Objectifs. Les objectifs de ce mémoire sont au nombre de deux. Le premier objectif est scindé en deux : l’objectif 1A est d’évaluer l’apport et la validité/fiabilité de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de compte amorcée par Cordeau dans sa thèse de doctorat de 1991 puis d’étendre la portée de cette analyse descriptive de part et d’autre des années 1970-1986. Ceci sera fait afin de voir si les règlements de compte de la période de Cordeau diffèrent de notre ensemble; l’objectif 1B est d’évaluer différents taux afin de voir lesquels nous permettent de mieux comprendre les grandes tendances des règlements de compte et leurs vagues. Enfin, le deuxième objectif est d’utiliser l’analyse de réseau afin de confirmer certains points ressortant de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de comptes et d’analyser la structure sociale du règlement de compte au Québec entre 1953 et 2013. Méthodologie. En faisant appel à Allô Police et plusieurs autres sources médiatiques, nous avons constitué une base de données des règlements de comptes québécois entre de 1953 à 2013. Nos analyses font appel à une approche holistique qui intègre à la fois l’analyse statistique descriptive, les tableaux croisés, l’analyse temporelle et l’analyse de réseau afin de bien cerner la question des règlements de compte. Résultats. Nos principaux résultats sont au nombre de quatre: 1) les grandes tendances qu’avait trouvées Cordeau entre 1970-1986 s’appliquent pour l’ensemble des règlements de compte de 1953 à 2013. Ainsi, peu de variations importantes ont été observées entre nos règlements de compte et ceux de Cordeau ; 2) les taux alternatifs se basant sur la population carcérale ou criminelle ne permettent pas de mieux comprendre les règlements de compte par rapport à un taux basé sur la population générale. Par contre, les proportions proposées par Morselli et al (2008) amènent une meilleure conception des périodes d’effervescences du milieu; 3) les groupes criminels qui sont plus exposés à la violence sont aussi ceux qui ont le plus recours à la violence et; 4) les indépendants occupent une place importante parmi les victimes de règlements de compte et ont donc une place importante dans le milieu criminel. Conclusion. Nos résultats font état du besoin d’intégrer différentes approches théoriques et méthodologiques afin de bien cerner la question complexe qu’est le règlement de compte. Avec les avenues de recherches identifiées à la fin de ce mémoire, nous espérons que la relève sera en mesure de mettre à profit les apprentissages de ce mémoire.

Institucionalidad y control territorial en Colombia. Una aproximación al Urabá antioqueño desde la teoría de la cooptación del estado (1997-2007)

El interés de esta monografía es evaluar la relación entre el orden institucional del Estado colombiano y las lógicas del control territorial de los paramilitares sobre el Urabá antioqueño durante el periodo 1997-2007. Se analiza y explica cómo los grupos paramilitares aprovecharon el contexto de debilidad institucional del Urabá antioqueño para consolidar estructuras paraestatales que instrumentalizaron y cooptaron la institucionalidad del Estado con la pretensión de reproducir las condiciones necesarias para su sostenimiento. Así como las consecuencias sobre la Institucionalidad regional a causa de la consolidación de un control político de corte autoritario y clientelista, la obstaculización de la afirmación del monopolio de la violencia estatal, y la protección de un modelo económico particular sustentado en la violencia. Para ello, como parámetros generales se siguen las funciones estatales descritas por Charles Tilly, la descripción de los estados entre estados de Kinsgton y Spears y la teoría de la cooptación del Estado de Jorge Garay.

El papel del tráfico ilícito de armas pequeñas y ligeras como amenaza a la seguridad en Guatemala entre 2000 y 2005

El propósito del trabajo es exponer de qué manera el tráfico ilícito de armas pequeñas y ligeras constituye una amenaza a la seguridad en Guatemala durante el 2000 y 2005. La aproximación conceptual se centrará en las ideas de la Seguridad de Charles-Philippe David, puesto que servirá como herramienta para el análisis de la coyuntura guatemalteca. Así, se pretende dar cuenta del fortalecimiento de actores ilegales de crimen internacional organizado, narcotráfico, maras y pandillas, lo que da lugar al incremento de la violencia armada afectando diferentes esferas como la política, societal y económica.

Presencia de Hezbollah en la triple frontera, un desafío para las políticas de seguridad conjuntas de Argentina, Brasil y Paraguay (2001-2006)

El grupo fundamentalista Hezbollah, nació en el Líbano y propagó su ideología por el mundo a finales del siglo XX y principios del siglo XXI. En el punto más álgido de su expansión, instaló una de sus células en el límite entre Argentina, Brasil y Paraguay, generando un riesgo para la región. Por esto, se hizo necesario crear políticas conjuntas de seguridad en la Triple Frontera con el fin de combatir la amenaza en la zona entre los años 2001 y 2006. Aunque teóricamente es necesario instaurar un Complejo Regional de Seguridad para mitigar los efectos de la amenaza, esto representó una complicación para los actores estatales, principalmente por sus divergencias geopolíticas, sociales, así como, las distintas percepciones sobre el grupo terrorista presente. Esto, resultó por dificultar la respuesta acertada en temas seguridad en la frontera.

The Value Of The 2005 International Society Of Urological Pathology (isup) Modified Gleason Grading System As A Predictor Of Biochemical Recurrence After Radical Prostatectomy.

To compare time and risk to biochemical recurrence (BR) after radical prostatectomy of two chronologically different groups of patients using the standard and the modified Gleason system (MGS). Cohort 1 comprised biopsies of 197 patients graded according to the standard Gleason system (SGS) in the period 1997/2004, and cohort 2, 176 biopsies graded according to the modified system in the period 2005/2011. Time to BR was analyzed with the Kaplan-Meier product-limit analysis and prediction of shorter time to recurrence using univariate and multivariate Cox proportional hazards model. Patients in cohort 2 reflected time-related changes: striking increase in clinical stage T1c, systematic use of extended biopsies, and lower percentage of total length of cancer in millimeter in all cores. The MGS used in cohort 2 showed fewer biopsies with Gleason score ≤ 6 and more biopsies of the intermediate Gleason score 7. Time to BR using the Kaplan-Meier curves showed statistical significance using the MGS in cohort 2, but not the SGS in cohort 1. Only the MGS predicted shorter time to BR on univariate analysis and on multivariate analysis was an independent predictor. The results favor that the 2005 International Society of Urological Pathology modified system is a refinement of the Gleason grading and valuable for contemporary clinical practice.