1000 resultados para Cooperació internacional -- Unió Europea, Països de la


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On Friday May 16, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Cuba summoned the newly-appointed charged’affairs of the European Commission in Havana and announced the withdrawal of the application procedure for membership in the Cotonou Agreement of the Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries, and in fact renouncing to benefit from European development aid.1 In a blistering note published in the Granma official newspaper of the Cuban Communist Party, the government blamed the EU Commission for exerting undue pressure, its alleged alignment with the policies of the United States, and censure for the measures taken by Cuba during the previous weeks.2 In reality, Cuba avoided an embarrasin flat rejection for its application. This was the anti-climatic ending for a long process that can be traced back to the end of the Cold War, in a context where Cuba has been testing alternative grounds to substitute for the overwhelming protection of the Soviet Union

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This paper examines the importance that the current Convention on the Future of Europe is giving (or not) to the question of democratic accountability in European foreign and defence policy. As all European Union (EU) member states are parliamentary democracies1, and as there is a European Parliament (EP) which also covers CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) and ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy2) matters, I will concentrate on parliamentary accountability rather than democratic accountability more widely defined. Where appropriate, I will also refer to the work of other transnational parliamentary bodies such as the North Atlantic Assembly or NAA (NATO´s Parliamentary Assembly) or the Western European Union (WEU) Parliamentary Assembly3. The article will consist of three sections. First, I will briefly put the question under study within its wider context (section 1). Then, I will examine the current level of parliamentary accountability in CFSP and defence matters (section 2). Finally, I will consider the current Convention debate and assess how much attention is being given to the question of accountability in foreign and defence policies (section 3). This study basically argues that, once again, there is very little interest in an issue that should be considered as vital for the future democratic development of a European foreign and defence policy. It is important to note however that this paper does not cover the wider debate about how to democratise and make the EU more transparent and closer to its citizens. It concentrates on its Second Pillar because its claim is that very little if any attention is being given to this question

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This book addresses the debate on the democratic deficit of European foreign and defence policies. This debate revolves around two dimensions. The first one has to do with the accountability of CFSP institutions. Is the current degree of parliamentary oversight of these policies the most appropriate? Has the disengagement of national parliaments regarding European foreign policy been counterbalanced by giving sufficient powers to the European Parliament? And, regarding the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), are national parliaments effectively controlling it? The second dimension of the debate is related to the wider question of whether the European Parliament is capable of legitimising EU policy outcomes. In the absence of a Europe-wide demos and of a true party system, what interests do Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent when dealing with foreign policy issues? Are there transnational cleavages in foreign policy or are they mainly national? Furthermore, is the European Parliament developing a transnational, autonomous stance on foreign policy issues, different from that of the Council or the Commission? The present volume is the result of the 2nd Meeting of the FORNET Working Group on “Evolution and Accountability of CFSP Institutions” organised by the Observatory of European Foreign Policy (Research line of the Institut Universitari d’Estudis Europeus), which took place in Barcelona, the 4 and 5 March 2005.

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In March of 2004, the Observatory of European Foreign Policy published a special monograph about Spain in Europe (1996-2004) in digital format. The objective of the monograph was to analyse Spain’s foreign policy agenda and strategy during the period of José María Aznar’s presidency. As the title suggests, one of the initial suppositions of the analysis is the Europeanization of Spanish foreign activities. Is that how it was? Did Aznar’s Spain see the world and relate to it through Brussels? The publication was well received, considering the number of visits received and above all the institutions which asked to link the publication to their web pages. Among these, the EUobserver published the introduction to the piece in English titled Aznar: thinking locally, acting in Europe (described by the EUobserver as a paper of utmost importance). The fact that the elections were held three days after the tragic events of the 11th of March dramatically increased interest in Spain and the implications for Europe. This publication is the second of its type, in this case analysing the period of the Zapatero government (2004-2008). Once again the starting premise (the Europeanization of the agenda and the methods employed) has been considered by the analysts. And once again the articles collected in this publication serve to “triangulate” the analysis. Spain and Europe are two vertices (more or less distant, in essence and in form) which the authors handle in their analysis of the case (third vertex).

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Pensar globalmente, actuar localmente” es un slogan imprescindible en el discurso político de nuestros días. Pues bien, la práctica política, en materia de Unión Europea, de los dos gobiernos del Partido Popular, presididos por José María Aznar (1996-2004), nos permite acuñar un slogan de signo bien diferente: “pensar localmente, actuar en Europa”. En efecto, si algo caracteriza a estos ocho años de práctica política de José María Aznar es haber convertido sus preocupaciones domésticas en factor exclusivo de su estrategia europea, con independencia del contexto de cada momento y de la necesidad de encajar objetivos nacionales con objetivos europeos. De ahí que sea lógico que la campaña electoral que ha precedido a las elecciones generales del 14 de marzo no haya recogido ninguno de los temas que dominan en la agenda de la UE en el momento actual. Ni la ampliación, ni la Constitución, ni tampoco el proceso de conformación de un núcleo duro tienen cabida en el debate político españo

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“Thinking globally, acting locally" is an essential slogan in the current political discourse. Yet, in view of the policies on the European Union carried out by the two governments of the People’s Party (PP) headed by José María Aznar between 1996 and 2004, we could coin a quite different slogan: "thinking locally, acting in Europe". Indeed, José María Aznar’s policy-making during the last eight years has been characterised by turning his domestic concerns into the ‘exclusive factor’ of his European strategy, regardless of the context and the need for fitting in national objectives with Europeans’. Hence, it was natural that the electoral campaign preceding the general elections held on Sunday, 14 March, did not deal with any of the topics prevailing in the EU’s current agenda. Neither enlargement nor the Constitution, nor the process of shaping a core group within the EU, seem to have room in Spain’s political debate...

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La IV Cumbre Unión Europea – América Latina y el Caribe (UE-ALC), celebrada en Viena los días 11, 12 y 13 de mayo, estuvo marcada por una creciente polarización interna latinoamericana, por los problemas europeos para definir un liderazgo sobre el futuro del proyecto de integración y por la crisis global de energía.

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In this paper we construct a data set on EU cohesion aid to Spain during the planning period 1994-99. The data are disaggregated by region, year and function and attempt to approximate the timing of actual executed expenditure on assisted projects.

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Dins del 7è Programa marc de la Unió Europea, s'ha endegat un estudi, que va del 2008 al 2010 a cinc països –Regne Unit, Dinamarca, Hongria, Suècia i Espanya (centrat a Catalunya)– que té per objectiu explorar els factors que afavoreixen i ajuden els joves tutelats i extutelats a continuar els seus estudis després de l'escolaritat obligatòria. Cada equip de recerca esta duent a terme un estudi de casos que consisteixen a fer, d'una banda, entrevistes amb responsables de serveis socials i de protecció a la infància, i, d'altra banda, entrevistes en profunditat amb joves d'entre 19 i 21 anys que han estat tutelats almenys un any de la seva vida i que ho estaven a l'edat de 16 anys, i, finalment, entrevistes amb educadors, acollidors o persones que han estat claus a les seves vides. Els joves seleccionats seran entrevistats de nou un any més tard per veure en quina mesura s'han pogut fer els seus plans. L'objectiu del present article és doble: d'una banda, aportar algunes de les dades que s'han obtingut de la primera fase ja conclosa sobre revisió dels estudis existents en aquest àmbit i, de l'altra, obrir un debat, poc present encara al nostre país, que pot culminar el proper març del 2010 amb motiu d'unes jornades a Catalunya on es podran presentar, compartir i debatre els primers resultats de la investigació

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Energy security is an important topic on the world agenda and has augmented its importance since the term “peak oil” was coined. Energy security is a crucial issue for most countries but some are more dependent on foreign supply than others. Traditionally, the Baltic States have been dependent on Russia for much of their oil and gas supplies, which makes them vulnerable to political pressure. Therefore, energy security, that is ensuring sufficient supply and safe delivery and in this case reduce dependency on a single provider – Russia, entails a conspicuous foreign policy dimension. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have been described as energy islands within the EU. This paper tries to answer the question if energy security of the Baltic States has improved since their accession to the EU in 2004. Additionally, it will analyse the prospects of energy security, noting that one of the Lithuanian aims during its European presidency in 2013 is to improve energy security of the Baltic States by fostering cooperation with EU member states.

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Companies are under IAS 40 required to report fair values of investment properties on the balance sheet or to disclose them in the notes. The standard requires also that companies have to disclose the methods and significant assumptions applied in determining fair values of investment properties. However, IAS 40 does not include any illustrative examples or other guidance on how to apply the disclosure requirements. We use a sample with publicly traded companies from the real estate sector in the EU. We find that a majority of the companies use income based methods for the measurement of fair values but there are considerable cross-country variations in the level of disclosures about the assumptions used in determining fair values. More specifically, we find that Scandinavian and German origin companies disclose more than French and English origin companies. We also test whether disclosure quality is associated with enforcement quality measured with the “Rule of Law” index according to Kaufmann et al. (2010), and associated with a secrecy- versus transparency-measure based on Gray (1988). We find a positive association between disclosure and earnings quality and a negative association with secrecy.

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The Water Framework Directive (WFD) defines common objectives for water resources throughout the European Union (EU). Given this general approach to water preservation and water policy, the objective of this paper is to analyse whether common patterns of water consumption exist within Europe. In particular, our study uses two methods to reveal the reasons behind sectoral water use in all EU countries. The first method is based on an accounting indicator that calculates the water intensity of an economy as the sum of sectoral water intensities. The second method is a subsystem input‐output model that divides total water use into different income channels within the production system. The application uses data for the years 2005 and 2009 on water consumption in the production system of the 27 countries of the EU. From our analysis it emerges that EU countries are characterized by very different patterns of water consumption. In particular water consumption by the agriculture sector is extremely high in Central/Eastern Europe, relative to the rest of Europe. In most countries, the water used by the fuel, power and water sector is consumed to satisfy domestic final demand. However, our analysis shows that for some countries exports from this sector are an important driver of water consumption. Focusing on the agricultural sector, the decomposition analysis suggests that water usage in Mediterranean countries is mainly driven by final demand for, and exports of, agricultural products. In Central/Eastern Europe domestic final demand is the main driver of water consumption, but in this region the proportion of water use driven by demand for exports is increasing over time. Given these heterogeneous water consumption patterns, our analysis suggests that Mediterranean and Central/Eastern European countries should adopt specific water policies in order to achieve efficient levels of water consumption in the European Union. JEL codes: N5; C67 Keywords: Water use, Subsystem input–output model; Water intensity, European Union.

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L'Espai Europeu d'Educació Superior comporta un canvi de paradigma molt important, com ésl'adopció d'un procés d'aprenentatge basat en l'adquisició i desenvolupament de competències mitjançant activitats, relegant els continguts a un segon terme. El propi concepte d'activitat inclou i combina elements molt diversos que involucren recursos docents de tota mena, tot abastant un ventall més ampli del que s'entén estrictament per contingut en el sentit tradicional. És necessari, doncs, plantejar-se una gestió dels recursos docents orientada a facilitar la creació d'itineraris formatius que permetin als estudiants assolir les competències desitjades, així com complementar la seva formació. En lloc de proporcionar els continguts directament als estudiants, l'objectiu és aconseguir un procés d'aprenentatge centrat en l'usuari mitjançant la formació que els permeti ser autònoms en la localització, l'ús i fins i tot la generació de continguts necessaris en cada activitat.

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El trabajo aborda una comparación de los diversos sistemas de penas estatales en Europa, con el objetivo de sistematizar los diversos modelos político-criminales y de calibrar la aflictividad de los mismos. A través de determinados indicadores se pone de relieve que los sistemas jurídicos que abren un mayor espacio a la discrecionalidad judicial en la selección y la determinación de la pena muestran una mayor moderación del rigor punitivo y están en mejores condiciones de dar respuesta a una fenomenología criminal cada vez más diversa.

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This paper analyses the financial impact of the enlargement of the European Union (EU) to include 10 new Central and Eastern European Nations (CEEN) on firms’ business and financial structures. To this end, we employ quantitative analytic techniques and financial ratios. In this context, we hope to discover whether firms in the new EU member States tend to converge with business in the Europe of the 15 in terms of the structure of firms’ financial statements. We examine the extent to which the increasing integration of the former may foster the convergence of productive structures. The methodology followed consists of an analysis of the evolution of 12 financial ratios in a sample of firms obtained from the AMADEUS data base. To that end, we perform a Dynamic Factor Analysis that identifies the determining factors of the joint evolution of deviations in the financial ratios with respect to the average value of firms in the EU-15. This analysis allows us to analyse the convergence in each of the CEEN nations with respect to the EU-15.