South American Defense Council: What it Means for Regional Security?

The South American Defense Council (CSD), created in March 2009 as a military coordinating body of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) demonstrates a growing trend among Latin American countries to approach matters of regional security independent of the United States. The CSD also indicates a maturation of democratic civil military relations in a region once dominated by authoritarian military regimes. The CSD aims to facilitate the exchange of information about regional defense policies, promote collaboration for disaster relief, and promote civil-military engagement. In less than a year it is hardly a tested entity, but the presence of 12 South American states coming together around security policy marks an important moment in the evolution of civil-military relations in the region. Brazil has taken on an important leadership role in the CSD, acting as a leader in recent regional peacekeeping efforts. As a geopolitical move, Brazil also sees a benefit in promoting good relationships with all countries of South america, given its common border with nine of them. Although the United States is not a member of the CSD, the organization's agenda of infromation exchange of defense policies, military cooperation, and capacity building, including disaster assistance and preparedness provide opportunities for greater collaboration. The CSD is not part of the Inter-American System created after the Second World War. It is unclear how its work will coincide with the OAS Committee on Hemispheric Security or its Secretariat for Multidimensional Security. The U.S. should view the CSD as a mechanism to promote joint initiatives that encourage democratic governance in the region.

Conceptualizing American power and security in a post-9/11 security context : conflict, resistance, and global security, 2001-present

In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.

Dialogue, partnership and empowerment for network and information security:the changing role of the private sector from objects of regulation to regulation shapers

The protection of cyberspace has become one of the highest security priorities of governments worldwide. The EU is not an exception in this context, given its rapidly developing cyber security policy. Since the 1990s, we could observe the creation of three broad areas of policy interest: cyber-crime, critical information infrastructures and cyber-defence. One of the main trends transversal to these areas is the importance that the private sector has come to assume within them. In particular in the area of critical information infrastructure protection, the private sector is seen as a key stakeholder, given that it currently operates most infrastructures in this area. As a result of this operative capacity, the private sector has come to be understood as the expert in network and information systems security, whose knowledge is crucial for the regulation of the field. Adopting a Regulatory Capitalism framework, complemented by insights from Network Governance, we can identify the shifting role of the private sector in this field from one of a victim in need of protection in the first phase, to a commercial actor bearing responsibility for ensuring network resilience in the second, to an active policy shaper in the third, participating in the regulation of NIS by providing technical expertise. By drawing insights from the above-mentioned frameworks, we can better understand how private actors are involved in shaping regulatory responses, as well as why they have been incorporated into these regulatory networks.

The European Union Foreign Policy in the Caucasus and Central Asia: The Limitations of the Opening towards the East

This article intends to study the evolution of the European Union foreign policy in the Southern Caucasus and Central Area throughout the Post-Cold War era. The aim is to analyze Brussels’ fundamental interests and limitations in the area, the strategies it has implemented in the last few years, and the extent to which the EU has been able to undermine the regional hegemons’ traditional supremacy. As will be highlighted, the Community’s chronic weaknesses, the local determination to preserve sovereignty and an increasing international geopolitical competition undermine any European aspiration to become a pre-eminent actor at the heart of the Eurasian continent in the near future.

The Challenge of Migration and the Global Security Strategy of the European Union

This article discusses the challenges of irregular migration for the security of the EU. They are analyzed starting with the European Security Strategy 2003, and the Report on its Implementation, 2008, and notes many failures: The EU Members did not follow the directives adopted in Brussels, the mismanagement of migration and asylum policies, and numerous actions that can be characterized or described as improvised, scattered or irresponsible. The 2016 Global Strategy recognizes these failures and call attention to the European leaders to reconsider how the EU functions and operates, suggesting the need for greater unity and cooperation to achieve a more effective migration policy. However, the article points out that practically all of the sections of the new Strategy dealing with migration were already embodied in previous Strategies, and stress that in parallel with the publication of the 2016 Global Strategy, actions are already undertaken, such as the EU readmission agreements signed with several important third countries of origin.

The Weapons of Mass Destruction and the Global Security Strategy of the EU

The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), nuclear, biological and chemical (NBC) is one of the main security challenges facing the international community today. However the new Global Security Strategy of 2016 raises the question of non-proliferation of WMD only as an incidental matter, not addressing directly the threat, a fundamental threat in the regional and global security. This is a clear step backwards for the European common security.

Russia and the Global Security Strategy of the European Union

The present article reviews the relations between the EU and Russia in the past decade and shows the deterioration of the bilateral relations. The Putin´s Russia has become a very active geostrategic player, with a worrying behaviour, breaking balances in the international scene established since the end of the Cold War. Russia is a priority in the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Global Security Strategy, but has become also a clear competitor. This last aspect is not sufficiently underlined in the Strategy and thus the strategic framework is not clear. In parallel, it is not clear in the Strategy which are the tools the EU has to defend its neighbourhood when their independence, sovereignty or territorial defence may be put in question. This question goes beyond the support to the resilience of those neighbours.

Turkish Security Policymaking on Nuclear Issues: Conceptualizing Advanced Cooperative Security Strategies

Turkey is a non-nuclear member of a nuclear alliance in a region where nuclear proliferation is of particular concern. As the only North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member that has a border with the Middle East, Turkish officials argue that Turkey cannot solely rely on NATO guarantees in addressing the regional security challenges. However, Turkey has not been able to formulate a security policy that reconciles its quest for independence, its NATO membership, the bilateral relationship with the United States, and regional engagement in the Middle East. This dissertation assesses the strategic implications of Turkey’s perceptions of the U.S./NATO nuclear and conventional deterrence on nuclear issues. It explores three case studies by the process tracing of Turkish policymakers’ nuclear-related decisions on U.S. tactical nuclear weapons deployed in Europe, national air and missile defense, and Iran’s nuclear program. The study finds that the principles of Turkish security policymaking do not incorporate a fundamentally different reasoning on nuclear issues than conventional deterrence. Nuclear weapons and their delivery systems do not have a defining role in Turkish security and defense strategy. The decisions are mainly guided by non-nuclear considerations such as Alliance politics, modernization of the domestic defense industry, and regional influence. The dissertation argues that Turkey could formulate more effective and less risky security policies on nuclear issues by emphasizing the cooperative security approaches within the NATO Alliance over confrontational measures. The findings of this dissertation reveal that a major transformation of Turkish security policymaking is required to end the crisis of confidence with NATO, redefinition of the strategic partnership with the US, and a more cautious approach toward the Middle East. The dissertation argues that Turkey should promote proactive measures to reduce, contain, and counter risks before they develop into real threats, as well as contribute to developing consensual confidence-building measures to reduce uncertainty.

Seguridade social no Brasil

Este artigo analisa a pol??tica de seguridade social brasileira na perspectiva de sua formula????o legal na Carta Constitucional de 1988, com o objetivo de discutir tr??s enfoques relativos a esta pol??tica: os grupos de interesse implicados no projeto da seguridade social na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987/88; os princ??pios pol??tico-ideol??gicos que nortearam a defini????o deste modelo protetor; e os obst??culos surgidos na elabora????o e operacionaliza????o desta proposta. Passados nove anos da promulga????o da ???Constitui????o Democr??tica???, os princ??pios norteadores da Seguridade Social ainda n??o foram implementados, e os tr??s setores nela inseridos ??? sa??de, assist??ncia e previd??ncia social ??? deram prosseguimento ?? elabora????o de pol??ticas setorializadas e independentes. Este artigo discute, assim, as perspectivas da pol??tica protetora brasileira, utilizando como refer??ncia o debate hist??rico de formula????o desta pol??tica e apresentando os principais impasses no desenvolvimento da pol??tica protetora.

Política de segurança pública no Brasil contemporâneo : entre a segurança cidadã e a continuidade autoritária

O objeto de estudo dessa pesquisa é a política de segurança pública brasileira visando compreender o seu percurso ideológico e político no contexto de retomada e da consolidação da democracia no Brasil, após 21 anos de ditadura militar. Considerando o contexto no qual se verifica a existência de disputa política em torno da concepção de segurança pública, o objetivo geral deste trabalho é compreender a matriz estruturante da política de segurança pública no Brasil contemporâneo. Seu intuito visa responder à pergunta inicial e condutora do interesse que estrutura este trabalho, aqui apresentada nos seguintes termos: a política de segurança pública no Brasil após o restabelecimento das eleições diretas para a Presidência da República está em vias de transição, tendendo a assumir caráter democrático ou a força da tradição autoritária na cultura política brasileira tem-se garantido a sua continuidade neste campo da intervenção estatal? Ancoramos a nossa reflexão nas categorias teóricas de dominação, coerção e consenso no pensamento clássico de Hobbes, Marx, Weber e Gramsci, extraindo deles os elementos que nos auxiliam no entendimento da política de segurança pública brasileira. Para o estudo dessa política foi fundamental operarmos uma profunda revisão bibliográfica, especialmente para entender como a manutenção da ordem foi se desenhando no contexto brasileiro e como historicamente tem prevalecido um modelo de segurança pública marcado pelo autoritarismo. Entretanto, a partir da redemocratização brasileira há a emergência de outro paradigma para a política de segurança pública, a segurança cidadã, propondo, entre outras coisas, a reforma das instituições de segurança pública e a formação em direitos humanos nas instituições policiais. Para a análise do paradigma emergente de segurança, buscamos apoio no Programa Nacional dos Direitos Humanos e no Plano Nacional de Segurança Pública, documentos federais que representam a construção de uma nova intencionalidade para a segurança pública no Brasil. Finalmente, reconhecemos que, embora haja significativas reformas na segurança pública, tal política, diante da prevalência de um paradigma de segurança tradicional com fortes componentes autoritários, se encontra entre a segurança cidadã e a continuidade autoritária.

A study on the encryption algorithm for RFID tag (SEED : 8 Rounds × 64 bits block)

Although it is always weak between RFID Tag and Terminal in focus of the security, there are no security skills in RFID Tag. Recently there are a lot of studying in order to protect it, but because it has some physical limitation of RFID, that is it should be low electric power and high speed, it is impossible to protect with the skills. At present, the methods of RFID security are using a security server, a security policy and security. One of them the most famous skill is the security module, then they has an authentication skill and an encryption skill. In this paper, we designed and implemented after modification original SEED into 8 Round and 64 bits for Tag.

A dimensão política da segurança para o ciberespaço na União Europeia : a agenda digital, a estratégia de cibersegurança e a cooperação UE-OTAN

Mestrado em Relações Internacionais.

Segurança da Informação na Escola Pública

A função da escola é promover a aprendizagem nos jovens e estimular o acesso ao conhecimento. A utilização das TI proporciona um acesso mais rápido ao conhecimento mas, sem os mecanismos necessários, pode originar perdas e comprometer a segurança da informação. A ausência de legislação e de regulamentação que ajude na manutenção da rede informática da escola, coloca-as numa posição muito vulnerável, obrigando-as a agir individualmente de modo a suprimir esta carência. A solução passa não só pela consciencialização dos utilizadores para a necessidade de segurança, mas também pela criação de mecanismos que permitam acrescentar segurança à rede e à própria informação. Os projetos desenvolvidos pelo programa Safer Internet e pela ISECOM atuam junto da comunidade escolar, sensibilizando os utilizadores para a necessidade de segurança na Internet e nas comunicações. Por sua vez, a adoção de práticas seguras é um processo mais demorado mas exequível através da implementação de uma política de segurança da informação adaptada à realidade da escola, de acordo com a norma ISO 27001. Da recolha de opinião aos intervenientes do sistema resultaram dois documentos com a política de segurança da informação, um direcionado às escolas e outro aos utilizadores. Crê-se que a adoção destas recomendações pelas escolas pode trazer benefícios ao nível da segurança da informação.

As forças de tipo gendarmerie e as operações/missões de gestão de crises da União Europeia

The European Union has taken in recent years an increasingly important role in ensuring peace and stability in the international community, and the security and defence policy of the Union has become synonymous with crisis management. The Union has addressed the issue of crisis management through two sources: the military side and the civilian side, which consists in carrying out numerous crisis management operations and missions. This study discusses the role of the European Union in conducting crisis management operations and missions and how the gendarmerie forces contribute to the success of the same. It will discuss the evolution of the European Union's security policy and the concept of crisis management, and seek to demonstrate the added value of the commitment of gendarmerie forces in operations and missions of crisis management, particularly with regard to employment of the European Gendarmerie Force. On the other hand, it will study the planning process for crisis management of the European Union, featuring the entities and agencies involved in it, and presenting the products that result from this same process. The use of Gendarmerie forces in crisis management operations and missions has significant advantages. Its use is recommended to post - conflict scenarios, in complementarity with the armed forces, in order to overcome the "security gap" that mediates the transition from the state of conflict for the period of peace and reconstruction. Gendarmerie forces can also be engaged both in military crisis management operations and civilian crisis management missions.

Learning the ropes and embracing the rules: CFSP institutions as arenas for learning and strategic socialisation

The aim of this article is to analyse those situations in which learning and socialisation take place within the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), in particular, at the level of experts in the Council Working Groups. Learning can explain the institutional development of CFSP and changes in the foreign policies of the Member States. Some scope conditions for learning and channels of institutionalisation are identified. Socialisation, resulting from learning within a group, is perceived as a strategic action by reflective actors. National diplomats, once they arrive in Brussels, learn the new code of conduct of their Working Groups. They are embedded in two environments and faced with two logics: the European one in the Council and the national one in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The empirical evidence supports the argument that neither rational nor sociological approaches alone can account for these processes.