144 resultados para Redemocratização
Resumo:
A presente dissertação analisa como o Partido Social Cristão (PSC), ao longo do tempo, se apropriou da identidade religiosa de seus atores políticos que na sua maioria são membros da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica, os quais defendem no espaço público a “família tradicional”, em detrimento da pluralidade de arranjos familiares na contemporaneidade. Para explicitar o objeto - “família tradicional” e PSC -, foi necessário retroceder no tempo e investigar na historiografia os primórdios da inserção dos evangélicos na política brasileira. Em vista disso, analisamos a participação dos evangélicos nos respectivos períodos do Brasil: Colônia, Império e República. A dificuldade da entrada de evangélicos na política partidária, dentre outros fatores, se deve àinfluência do catolicismo no Estado. Assim sendo, averiguamos em todas as Constituições (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, 1969 e 1988) o que a mesma diz no que tange a proibição e a liberdade religiosa no país. Logo, verificamos entre as Eras Vargas e República Populista, que ocorreu com intensidade a transição do apoliticismo para o politicismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, porém, eles não recebiam o apoio formal de suas igrejas. Em seguida, a participação dos evangélicos na arena política durante a ditadura militar foi investigada com destaque para o posicionamento de vanguarda da IECLB, através do Manifesto de Curitiba e, também com a presença de parlamentares evangélicos no Congresso Nacional. A politização pentecostal é ressaltada em nosso trabalho, através do pioneirismo de Manoel de Mello e, depois na Redemocratização quando as instituições evangélicas se organizaram para eleger seus candidatos à Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. E, com o fim do regime militar, o PSC surge como partido “nanico”, contudo, deixa o anonimato e ganha visibilidade midiática quando o pastor e deputado, Marco Feliciano, assume a presidência da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias, em 2013. Esse é o pano de fundo histórico que projetou o PSC e seus atores no pleito de 2014 com o mote “família tradicional”.
Resumo:
The Acquisition Food Program (Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos – PAA) is one of the governmental public politics proposed, in the year of 2003, that has the focus in the family-run farm in Brazil. This Program has as objectives: commercialize the familyrun farm products, bought by the government agencies; to encourage production, and promoting actions that improve quality food of people facing starving risk. This Program has been working, to some extent, as complement to the Program of family-run farm Enhancement (PRONAF). The present study has as its focus to analyse the social territorials changes observed in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, as a result of the PAA implementation. In this sense, it was promoted a discussion between territory and rules. I this work, public politics are understood as rules. This procedure was important in order to understand how the rules have influenced territorial changes, creating new social and territorial relations. In the research process was used scientific and institutional texts on the subject. It was applied a quiz with 97 PAA’s supplying farmers, and interviews were done with the Program managers in Federal (MDA), State (CONAB and EMATER) and municipal (local office of EMATER and Departments of Agriculture) levels. Social public politics were also analyzed with the aim of understand the context where PAA is situated in relation with the public politics directed to familyrun farm as a whole since 1980, within new Brazilian democratization process. With the information collected in the field, plus the secondary data, maps, charts, tables and cartograms were made. With all of this, a socio-economical profile of the family-run farm in the Rio Grande do Norte was traced, as well as the included in this research. Before this picture, we concluded that PAA indeed represents a forward in public politics directed to family-run farm. However, in spite of the importance of the Program for the family-run farmers to come of age, but in order to the rural and family-run farm reality in the Rio Grande do Norte come to present meaningful changes much still remain to be done.
Resumo:
La diversidad sexual emerge en las Américas como una de las cuestiones más importantes en relación con la protección y promoción de los derechos humanos. A partir de la democratización de la mayor parte de los Estados Sudamericanos en los años 80, se ha iniciado una discusión acerca de la ampliación del concepto de igualdad con el fin de introducir el derecho a la diferencia como otra expresión de la dignidad de la persona humana, cuyos estudios fueron encabezado de lo que se llamaba La hermenéutica de la Diversidad. En este escenario, el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos aparece como el principal responsable por el proceso de reconocimiento de la diversidad sexual como un derecho humano, lo que permite la asignación de temas tales como la sexualidad y el género en la agenda de los principales órganos regionales de protección de derechos humanos, así como en la agenda de algunos Estados, que por su promoción de políticas de diversidad han llegado a ser considerados empresarios normativos en relación con el libre ejercicio de la sexualidad humana. En este sentido, se pretende con esta tesis analizar el proceso de reconocimiento de la diversidad sexual como un derecho humano en el marco del sistema interamericano de protección, comprobando el potencial normativo de Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay con respecto a la adopción de normas internas promoción de la diversidad sexual. También tenemos la intención de analizar la norma internacional llamada Convención Interamericana contra todas las formas de discriminación e intolerancia como el primer tratado producido por el sistema interamericano para la protección de la sexualidad como un derecho digno de protección. La investigación ha demostrado que después de la posición adoptada por la Comisión y la Corte Interamericana respecto al ejercicio de la sexualidad, países como Argentina, Brasil y Uruguay promovieron un progreso significativo en el campo de las libertades individuales y en el campo de las políticas públicas de asignación de la sexualidad como un derecho que necesita de una protección efectiva del Estado
Resumo:
The social participation in Brazil takes a new impetus with the (re)democratization process of the Brazilian society and is strengthened by the resurgence of the civil society and the 1988 Constitution. In this context, the study is conducted with the scope to verify the effectiveness of deliberative Municipal Health Council of Mossoro (CMSM), with theoretical and methodological support based on the following models: the participatory normativity, which measures the degree of institutionalization, democratization and council representation; and the effectiveness of deliberative that, from the calling capacity and agenda of the participants, from the kinds of manifestation, from the decisions and the council’s office, that measures the degree of effectiveness of the deliberative council. It appears, thus, that the council has an average degree of effectiveness deliberative, standing out as means an institution that practice, despite the existence of obstacles and challenges, the role of control over municipal health policies, due, among other factors, the conservative political context, the asymmetry of resources between the counselors, the little substantive participation of the actors who attend its meetings, either counselor or not, and in particular, the reduced influence of the members in its decision-making process. In public management of Mossoro, social participation, especially social control over public actions, face, today, great number of difficulties to be held. The study recognizes that, in such circumstances, the council partially fulfills the role for which it was created, what does not impede, however, be characterized as an important deliberative space, since it allows the participation of representatives of the various segments of the state, society, their demands and intentions. Overcoming such obstacles moves through the interest of civil society to wake up and fight for the spaces in these institutions.
Resumo:
Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive
Resumo:
Os Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (PCNs) em História para os terceiro e quarto ciclos do ensino fundamental (atualmente anos finais), publicados pelo Governo Federal em 1998, traçaram as diretrizes e orientações específicas para esta área de ensino, dentro do novo contexto educacional consolidado pela Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional de 1996 (LDBEN/96), refletido por sua vez pelo novo período de redemocratização constitucional iniciado em 1988 e em curso até os dias de hoje. Compreender a visão social de mundo preconizada no documento, com suas potencialidades (ou não) para o ensino de História em nosso País, através da análise dos aspectos historiográficos e educacionais que o formam, representa o objetivo central desta pesquisa, procurando – se identificar também os interesses e valores dos grupos sociais e culturais nele traduzidos. Dentro de uma perspectiva crítico-dialética, os referidos PCNs e suas implicações com as questões acima expostas só poderão ser investigadas em uma dimensão contextualizada com a sociedade brasileira contemporânea.
Resumo:
Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive
Resumo:
Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciência da Informação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência da Informação, 2016.
Resumo:
A partir da metade da década de 1980, o Brasil passa por um processo de redemocratização. A Constituição de 1988 diferenciou o país em relação às outras democracias federalistas no planeta. Ao contrário, por exemplo, da Constituição americana, a brasileira define as especificidades para cada escala política de gestão, tornando o federalismo, ao mesmo tempo, dual e cooperativo. Além disso, um novo ente federativo é criado: o município. A Geografia Política pode e deve se inserir no campo das leis, a partir do momento que a isonomia – marco da delimitação legal – é afetada pelo território na qual está inserida. Tomaremos como estudo o exercício da cidadania – entendida, além de outros, como direitos sociais – em duas regiões distintas brasileiras (Sul e Nordeste), mostrando, a partir disso, como o território brasileiro, a partir de suas diferenças, se utiliza de algo que deveria ser igual para toda a extensão do Estado-Nação. Assim, como leis simétricas – tomando como caso as leis relativas à cidadania – atuam em um espaço assimétrico? A partir de dados do PNUD irei analisar como os direitos sociais da cidadania – definidas legalmente a partir da isonomia – atuam diferentemente no território brasileiro.