785 resultados para Object relations theory


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Bridging the contending theories of natural law and international relations, this book proposes a 'relational ontology' as the basis for rethinking our approach to international politics. The book contains a number of challenging and controversial ideas on the study of international political thought which should provoke constructive debate within international relations theory, political theory, and philosophical ethics. © Amanda Russell Beattie 2010. All rights reserved.

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The basic conceptions of the model „entity-relationship” as entities, relationships, structural constraints of the relationships (index cardinality, participation degree, and structural constraints of kind (min, max)) are considered and formalized in terms of relations theory. For the binary relations two operators (min and max) are introduced; structural constraints are determined in terms of the operators; the main theorem about compatibility of these operators’ values on the source relation and inversion to it is given here.

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The purpose of my dissertation was to examine the competition between the U.S.-led Western bloc and the Soviet bloc in the less developed world during Détente. I assessed whether or not the Soviet bloc pushed for strategic gains in the less developed world in the middle-to-late 1970's and whether this contributed to the U.S. decision to abandon Détente in 1979. I made the attempt to test the international relations theory of balance of threat realism (Walt, 1992). I accomplished the test in two ways. First, I measured the foreign aid allocations (military and economic) made by each respective bloc towards the Third World by using a quantitative approach. Second, I examined U.S. archives using the process-tracing/historical method. The U.S. archives gave me the ability to evaluate how U.S. decision-makers and U.S. intelligence agencies interpreted the actions of the Soviet bloc. They also gave me the chance to examine the U.S. response as we evaluated the policies that were pushed by key U.S. decision-makers and intelligence agencies. On the question of whether or not the Soviet bloc was aggressive, the quantitative evidence suggested that it was not. Instead, the evidence found the Western-bloc to have been more aggressive in the less developed world. The U.S. archives also showed Soviet actions to have been defensive. Key U.S. decision-makers and intelligence agencies attested to this. Finally, the archives show that U.S. officials pushed for aggressive actions against the Third World during the final years of Détente. Thus, balance of threat realism produced an incorrect assessment that U.S. aggression in the late 1970's was a response to Soviet aggression during Détente. The evidence suggests structural Marxism and domestic politics can better explain U.S./Western actions. The aggressive foreign aid allocations of the West, coupled with evidence of U.S. decision-makers/agencies vehemently concerned about the long-term prospects of the West, strengthened structural Marxism. Domestic politics can also claim to explain the actions of U.S. decision-makers. I found extensive archival evidence of bureaucratic inter-agency conflict between the State Department and other intelligence agencies in areas of strategic concern to the U.S.

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The current study assessed the importance of infant detection of contingency and head and eye gaze direction in the emergence of social referencing. Five- to six-month-old infants' detection of affect-object relations and subsequent manual preferences for objects paired with positive expressions were assessed. In particular, the role of contingency between toys' movements and an actress's emotional expressions as well as the role of gaze direction toward the toys' location were examined. Infants were habituated to alternating films of two toys each paired with an actress's affective expression (happy and fearful) under contingent or noncontingent and gaze congruent or gaze incongruent conditions. Results indicated that gaze congruence and contingency between toys' movements and a person's affective expressions were important for infant perception of affect-object relations. Furthermore, infant perception of the relation between affective expressions and toys translated to their manual preferences for the 3-dimensional toys. Infants who received contingent affective responses to the movements of the toys spent more time touching the toy that was previously paired with the positive expression. These findings demonstrate the role of contingency and gaze direction in the emergence of social referencing in the first half year of life.^

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This dissertation addresses the following research question: in a particular policy area, why do countries that display unanimity in their international policy behavior diverge from each other in their domestic policy actions? I address this question in the context of the divergent domestic competition policy actions undertaken by developing countries during the period 1996-2007, after these countries had quite conspicuously displayed near-unanimity in opposing this policy measure at the World Trade Organization (WTO). This divergence is puzzling because (a) it does not align with their near-unanimous behavior at the WTO over competition policy and (b) it is at variance with the objectives of their international opposition to this policy at the WTO. Using an interdisciplinary approach, this dissertation examines the factors responsible for this divergence in the domestic competition policy actions of developing countries. ^ The theoretical structure employed in this study is the classic second-image-reversed framework in international relations theory that focuses on the domestic developments in various countries following an international development. Methodologically, I employ both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis to ascertain the nature of the relationship between the dependent variable and the eight explanatory variables that were identified from existing literature. The data on some of the key variables used in this dissertation was uniquely created over a multi-year period through extensive online research and represents the most comprehensive and updated dataset currently available. ^ The quantitative results obtained from logistic regression using data on 131 countries point toward the significant role played by international organizations in engineering change in this policy area in developing countries. The qualitative analysis consisting of three country case studies illuminate the channels of influence of the explanatory variables and highlight the role of domestic-level factors in these three carefully selected countries. After integrating the findings from the quantitative and qualitative analyses, I conclude that a mix of international- and domestic-level variables explains the divergence in domestic competition policy actions among developing countries. My findings also confirm the argument of the second-image-reversed framework that, given an international development or situation, the policy choices that states make can differ from each other and are mediated by domestic-level factors. ^

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This paper is a constructivist attempt to understand a global political space where states as actors (the traditional domain of international relations theory and international law) are joined by international organizations, firms, NGOs, and others. Today we know that many supposedly private or international orders (meaning sources of order other than the central institutions of the territorial state) are engaged in the regulation of large domains of collective life in a world where the sources of power are multiple, sovereignties are overlapping, and anarchy is meaningless. The paper begins with an attempt, discussed in the first section, to sort out what the rule of law might mean in the context of the WTO, where we soon see that it can only be understood by also considering the meaning of Administrative Law. Much of the debate about rule of law depends on positivist and centralist theories of “law,” whose inadequacy for my purposes leads, in the second section, to a discussion of legal pluralism and implicit law in legal theory. These approaches offer an alternative theoretical framework that respects the role of the state while not seeing it as the only source of normativity. The third section looks directly at WTO law and dispute settlement. I tr y to show that the sources and interpretations of law in the WTO and the trading system cannot be reduced to the Dispute Settlement Body. I conclude in the fourth section with some suggestions on how a WTO rule of law could be understood as democratic.

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This article examines the transformation in the conceptual understanding of international intervention over the last two decades. It suggests that this conceptual shift can be usefully interrogated through its imbrication within broader epistemological shifts highlighting the limits of causal knowledge claims: heuristically framed in this article in terms of the shift from policy interventions within the problematic of causation to those concerned with the management of effects. In this shift, the means and mechanisms of international intervention have been transformed, no longer focused on the universal application of Western causal knowledge through policy interventions but rather on the effects of specific and unique local and organic processes at work in societies themselves. The focus on effects takes the conceptualisation of intervention out of the traditional terminological lexicon of International Relations theory and instead recasts problems in increasingly organicised ways, suggesting that artificial or hubristic attempts at socio-political intervention should be excluded or minimised.

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This text analyzes the speeches of a group of cultural mediators working in Madrid in public and private institutions of arts. The group was organized as part of the activities of the European Project Divercity: Diving into Diversity in Museums and the City of the Complutense University in March 2015. The aim of the interview was to unravel what they mean by diversity in the profession, and analyze the contradictions and objectives professions that arise in this new field of work.

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El artículo reconstruye los principales aspectos de la labor del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura entre la oposición antifranquista del interior. Se describen las circunstancias políticas que motivaron la fundación del Comité Español (1959-1977), así como las principales características de esa célula intelectual antifranquista. El artículo indaga en los objetivos ideológicos y políticos de la actividad del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura entre las elites intelectuales y culturales disidentes durante el tardofranquismo. Nos concentramos especialmente en el capítulo que atañe a la ayuda directa dispensada por el Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura a los intelectuales y artistas españoles mediante la concesión de becas de libros y bolsas de viaje a través del Comité d’Ecrivains et d’Editeurs pour une Entraide Européenne. Reconstruimos asimismo los nombres de los principales beneficiarios españoles de esas ayudas, así como la principal problemática vinculada al desarrollo del programa. El análisis histórico se apoya en documentos procedentes de diversos archivos nacionales e internacionales.

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Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Instituto Superior de Psicologia Aplicada para obtenção de grau de Mestre na especialidade de Psicologia Clínica.

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O objetivo do presente trabalho foi estudar a relação entre representações parentais e traços disfuncionais de personalidade em sujeitos adultos da população não-clínica. Participaram 177 estudantes universitários, dos quais 104 eram mulheres e 73 eram homens, com idades entre os 18 e os 43 anos (M=22,66; DP=4,054). Foi aplicado o Millon Clínical Multiaxial Inventory-II, o Parental Bonding Instrument e o Object Relations lnventory. De acordo com os resultados, existe uma relação entre alguns tipos de traços disfuncionais da personalidade e experiências disruptivas na relação precoce com ambas as figuras parentais, como a falta de autonomia psicológica e instrumental sentida, e com determinados elementos das representações das figuras parentais, como a perceção de uma menor benevolência ou maior punição. Encontram-se também diferenças entre sujeitos do sexo masculino e do sexo feminino no que respeita ao padrão específico de correlações entre traços de personalidade e características da relação e das representações parentais. ABSTRACT: The purpose of this work was to study the relation between parental representations and dysfunctional personality traits in adult subjects from a non-clinical population. Participants were 177 university students, 104 of which were female and 73 were men. Ages ranged from 18 to 43 years old (M=22,66; DP=4,054). The Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory-II, the Parental Bonding lnstrument and the Object Relations Inventory were administered. According to the results, there is a relation between certain types of dysfunctional personality traits and disruptive experiences in the early relations with both caregivers, like a perceived lack of psychological and instrumental autonomy, and with certain elements of parental representations, like the perception of less benevolence or a more punitive attitude. Differences between male and female subjects, concerning the specific pattern of correlations between personality traits and parental relations' and representations' characteristics, were also obtained.

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International Relations theory would predict that central governments, with their considerable material resources, would be unlikely to face a challenge from a substate government. However, substate governments, and particularly Indigenous governments, are pushing back against central government control in both domestic and international spheres. Indigenous governments are leveraging their local mining sectors to realize their interests and express local identities—interests and identities that may not be congruent with those of the central government. Applying the case study of the resource extraction sector in Canada, this thesis asks: under what conditions are substate governments able to challenge the authority of central governments in the international arena? Canada’s reliance on the global extractive resource sector is a major driver of its international policy preferences, but the increased engagement of Indigenous governments in the sector challenges the control of the federal government. Focusing on the resource extraction sectors in British Columbia, Saskatchewan, and Ontario, this thesis argues that there is a mutually reinforcing relationship between Indigenous governments’ international engagement and their domestic autonomy; both challenge the parameters of state authority. Both force the state to respond to claims of control from multiple sites and to clarify convoluted policy environments. A confluence of factors—including increased Indigenous connections to the globalized economy, new Canadian regulatory frameworks, and recent Supreme Court of Canada cases regarding Indigenous lands—have all altered the space in which Indigenous governments in Canada participate in the resource extraction sector and produce overlapping or multilevel governance structures. This thesis demonstrates that Indigenous international engagement entrenches the authority and political legitimacy manifest in Indigenous governments’ insistence on equitable and horizontal negotiations in Canada’s lucrative resource extraction sector. A cumulative process occurs in which domestic and international expressions of political autonomy reinforce each other, produce further opportunities to express authority in both environments, and trouble the state’s capacity to fully realize its international policy preferences.

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El interés de esta monografía es evaluar la relación entre el derecho internacional, la guerra y la política exterior a la luz del concepto de lawfare. Esta relación se evalúa a la luz del caso de las relaciones de Nicaragua con sus vecinos. Se analiza y explican las distintas nociones de derecho internacional desarrolladas por las teorías de Relaciones y sus limitaciones; la utilización de la guerra jurídica como estrategia sustitutiva de la guerra material en el caso de Nicaragua. Utilizando el concepto desarrollado por Charles Dunlap, el trabajo busca demostrar que el lawfare explica algunas relaciones entre derecho, guerra, y relaciones internacionales que las teorías clásicas no pueden y, adicionalmente da razón de las acciones de Nicaragua mediante la utilización del Derecho Internacional.

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El interés de esta monografía es analizar la transformación de relación bilateral colombo – estadounidense en materia de seguridad y defensa durante el periodo 2002 – 2014, y cómo dicha transformación puede incidir en la formulación de la política exterior colombiana. Se analizará la política exterior de Álvaro Uribe Vélez y la del actual presidente Juan Manuel Santos. Esto se llevará a cabo bajo dos de las teorías de Relaciones Internacionales, el realismo subalterno y neoclásico, las cuales ayudarán a entender el porqué del cambio de la política exterior de colombiana.