1000 resultados para mínimo existencial


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O texto apresenta a ideia de um mínimo existencial como condição de possibilidade para a realização dos direitos e liberdades fundamentais incluídos no primeiro princípio de justiça de Rawls. Mostra, no entanto, a sua insuficiência para o exercício pleno da cidadania. Daí decorre a necessidade de ampliação da noção de "mínimo social" (mínimo existencial) para a ideia de "bens primários", considerando a concepção política de justiça.

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1. A ideia de que os seres humanos nascem livres e são iguais em dignidade, apesar de relativamente prosaica, tem uma poderosa força simbólica, com implicações concretas no campo de interacção e na forma como nos vemos a nós próprios e aos outros, enquanto indivíduos livres, com concepções próprias e formas particulares de realização pessoal, a quem devem ser garantidos espaços de autonomia e assegurado um mínimo existencial para as perseguir e concretizar, e que não podem ser nem beneficiados e nem discriminados injustificadamente, com base em categorias suspeitas de raça, religião, posição social, etc. Os direitos humanos consubstanciam-se, de facto, numa das mais poderosas forças ideológicas e institucionais que moldaram o ethos da modernidade e, gradualmente, se consolidaram e projectaram por grande parte do Mundo, particularmente no Ocidente. Com efeito, desde as revoluções liberais dos Séculos XVII e XVIII, com o surgimento do Estado liberal inglês e a democracia norte-americana, com o reconhecimento dessa categoria de direitos pela Declaração Francesa dos Direitos do Homem e do Cidadão de 1789 que, gradualmente, mas com hiatos importantes, os direitos humanos se têm afirmado como um dos pilares indissociáveis do Estado de Direito Democrático e, de certa forma, da própria comunidade internacional. Não obstante, foi curiosamente na sequência de um dos mais evidentes retrocessos que, aliás, não podem ser dissociados da própria modernidade, que eles se consolidam igualmente na esfera internacional, condição indispensável para a sua projecção além do número reduzido de países supramencionados. Destarte, o fim da II Guerra Mundial e as violações grosseiras aos direitos humanos promovidas principalmente pela Alemanha - mas também, embora sem qualquer equivalência, pela União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas e por outras potências vencedoras -, Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos de 19481 deixaram transparecer, de forma inequívoca, a necessidade de transformar princípios morais universais, decantados por filósofos e literatos, numa realidade positivada e palpável que pudesse conter a liberalidade de tratamento de Estados sobre indivíduos. Nasce, deste modo, a base do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos, com a, posteriormente desenvolvida pelo conjunto de documentos que compõem a actual International Bill of Rights (Carta Internacional dos Direitos Humanos), designadamente os dois pactos de 1966 e convenções destinadas a lidar com situações ou categorias especiais de pessoas (discriminação racial, tortura, mulheres e crianças).

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The assistance to women who have breast cancer is studied in a Reference Center in Paraiba and also the way this assistance is performed in a School Hospital maintained by SUS (Single Health System) is questioned. Breast cancer demands institutional organization, provision of financial, material and human resources, requiring, from the health system, effective assistance with new technologies which make it possible for the population their access to specialized medical services although it not always is able to guarantee those services nor the rights which the legislation granted them, inhibiting a proper relationship between the health professional and the patient. The theme is discussed through a transdisciplinary knowledge view and has as its theoretical referential the contribution of classical and contemporary authors from the human and social sciences and, as an empirical research strategy, the structured interview. The objectives of the research were: identify how the assistance to women with breast cancer is carried on at a Reference Center on Oncology in Campina Grande, Paraiba, identifying their difficulties and their satisfaction with the received assistance; draw up a profile of the women with breast cancer who were assisted in this Reference Center; understand their gynecological and obstetric antecedents, life styles, age group and stage of the disease when the treatment started; check their knowledge about their rights and which benefits they had received. Most women ranged between 40 and 59 years old (63%), which corresponds to the risk range of developing breast cancer. As to their occupations, 38.3% were housewives and 30.1% retired, whose family income was among those who received between less than a minimum salary and one minimum salary (58.2%). This population was mainly constituted of married women (60.2%), whose most frequent schooling was an incomplete elementary school (27.6%) and complete elementary school (24.1%), which added up to 51.6%. It was observed that the majority of the women seemed to be satisfied with the assistance received, noting that a minimum care was enough to define this satisfaction, although it is perceived that the access to the health system does not ensure the ideal attention conditions they need; it was verified that the availability of the services and the assistance itself are seen (in the local culture) as a favor and not as a right. It is also observed that only 30% of the women mentioned that they knew about their rights and the most mentioned ones were the disease assistance (13%), the medicines (13%) and the treatment (12%), which represent the most important triad to face the disease and around which the oncologic assistance most focus on. It is concluded that the condition of the users´ minimum existential of a public health unit and the condition of belonging to a lower social stratum were variables that influenced the respondents´ satisfaction in relation to the assistance received but the importance of the Reference Center for the women with breast cancer´s assistance for the whole region cannot be denied as well as the need to broaden the way the policy of the oncologic assistance in Brazil in the local realm is seen

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The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the role of Public Powers in the enforcement of fundamental social rights, according to the principle of prohibition to social regression. The Federal Constitution of Brazil, situated in a position normative hierarchical superior, disciplines the legal and political process of the country, determining how Public Powers (Legislative, Executive and Judiciary) should act to enforce fundamental rights (social). Thus, features a cast of fundamental rights that aim to ensure social justice, highlighting the concern to ensure social values aimed at reducing social inequalities. The will of the state should be prevented by controlling the constitutionality of measures which restrict fundamental social rights, assuming the principle of human dignity, pillar of Social and Democratic State of Right, a dual role in the brazilian legal system, acting as the presupposition of jurisdictional control of the constitutionality of restrictive acts and as supervisory of omission or insufficient action of the State in the fulfillment of their fundamental duties. The constitutional determinations remove from the legislator the option to create or not the law that prints effectiveness to the social rights, as well as from the Executive the option of to execute or not rules directed at realization of the constitutional parameters, and Judiciary to behave or not in accordance with the Constitution, being given to the Powers only the arbitrariness of "how" to do, so that all functions performed by public actors to use the Constitution as a repository of the foundational values of the collectivity. Any situation that does not conform the principle of proportionality in relation to the enforcement of fundamental rights, especially the social, represents an unacceptable social regression unconstitutional. The constitutional rules and principles postulated by the realization of the rights, freedoms and guarantees of the human person, acting the principle of prohibition to social regression to regulate a concrete situation, whenever it is intended to change, reducing or deleting, the content of a social right. This paper of limit of state action serves to provide to the society legal security and protection of trust, ensuring the core of every social right. This should be effected to be sheltered the existential minimum, as a guarantee of the inviolability of human life, respecting the constitutional will, not falling into social regression

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This work has the main goal on the recognition of the inherent value of nonhuman animals, under the constitutional framework. It is presented the main philosophical formulations of the current pattern of behavior that rules the relationship between man and animals: first those that have excluded animals from moral consideration and then the thinkers which do have included, in some way, in order to elucidate the origin of the anthropocentric thought over the natural world. In this way, the analysis these thinkers that have included animals in moral consideration will contribute to a paradigm change from the anthropocentric view, initiating legal debates. It will be made a simplified analysis of different philosophical and legal points of view that have been demonstrating the posture in which the human beings have been dealing with the environment, with the replacement of the anthropocentric thinking for the biocentric view, in which life becomes the center of existence. Life is life, no matter whether it is human or not, has a value in itself, and must be protected and respected by the legal system. Then, it will be analized the constitutionalization of the nonhuman animal dignity in comparative law; the infraconstitutional legislation which concerning the intrinsic value of all life forms and, finally, the 1988 Constitution. It will be advocated for non-human animals the condition of subjects, presenting some cases that the Habeas Corpus was used in animal defense. In this new Brazilian Habeas Corpus theory of for apes the argument of genetic proximity was used in order to overcome the literal meaning of natural person to achieve hominids in order to assure the fundamental right of physical freedom. It is realized that the fact that the great apes being recognized as a person does not preclude the possibility of other living beings be recognized as subjects of law. In this way, animals can be considered non-human subjects of law, according to the theory of depersonalized entities and may enjoy a legal category that allows a respect for existential minimum, and can hold constitutional fundamental rights

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In Brazil, the 1946 Constitution enshrined the right to health, having it defined as the possession of the best state of health that the individual can achieve. Already the Federal Constitution of 1988 lifted that right to the status of fundamental social right, which transcends the effectiveness and cure of the disease is based on the joint liability of public entities for the provision of a quality service, efficient and prioritize human dignity and comprehensive evaluation of patients. According to the World Health Organization, the definition of health, first characterized as the mere absence of disease, has become recognized as the need to search for preventive mechanisms to ensure the welfare and dignity of the population. Garantista this context, the growing seem lawsuits that deal with the implementation of public policies, especially in the area of the right to health, the omission of which the Government can result in the risk of death. Hence the concern of law professionals about whether or not the intervention of the judiciary in cases that deal with providing material benefits of health care. It claims to break the principle of separation of powers, disobedience to the principle of equality and the impossibility of judicial intervention in the formulation of public policy to try and exclude the liability of public entities. In contrast, the judiciary has repeatedly guardianships granted injunctions or merit determining the supply of materials indicated by the medical benefits that accompany the treatment of patients who resort to a remedy. In this context, mediation, object of study and resolution presented in this work, is presented as an instrument conciliator between the reserve clause and the right to financially possible existential minimum, as it seeks to serve all through rationalization of health services , avoidance of negativistic influence of the pharmaceutical industry, with prioritizing the welfare of the individual and the quality of relationships. This is alternative way to judicialization that in addition to encouraging and developing active citizen participation in public policy formulation also allows the manager to public knowledge of community needs. It is in this sense that affirms and defends the right to health is no longer the mere provision of medical care and prescription drugs, but a dialogue conscious existential minimum to guarantee a dignified life

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In Brazil, social rights have always been considered secondary legal categories, whose implementation could wait for the pending of political decisions. At the end of the Second World War, International Law emphasizes the protection of human beings, raising his dignity as a legal pillar of the legal orders and one of the main foundations of Constitutions. At the post-positivism Constitutionalism, the realization of social rights receives special attention with the assumption of supremacy and normativity of the Constitutions, while the judiciary participates in the realization of democracy, not only as applicator of laws, but also as the guardian of constitutionality of the acts and administrative omissions, creatively contributing to the constitutional achievement, filling gaps and normative state omissions. In this aspect, the supply of medicines, whose costs can not be supported by the individual, keep a close connection with the right to life, health and dignity of the human being, as the subject of numerous lawsuits directed against the Public Administration. Such phenomenon has caused intense debate regarding judicial activism and legitimacy of these decisions, particularly on the need to define what are the limits and possibilities considering the principle of separation of powers and the principle of reserve of the possible; bieng this the problematic developed in this research. Thus, this research aims to verify the legitimacy of judicial decisions that determines to the Public Administration the compulsory providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of their treatment, as well as, contribute to the dogmatic constructions of parameters to be observed by judicial interference. Regarding the methodology, this research has an investigative and descriptive caracter and an theoretical approach based on bibliographical data collection (judicial and doutrine decisions) that received qualitative treatment and dialectical approach. As a result, it is known that the judicial decision that determines the supply of medicines to those individuals who can not afford them with their own resources is legitimate and complies with the democratic principle, not violating the principle of separation of powers and the reserve of the possible, since the judicial decison is not stripped with an uniform and reasonable criteria, failing to contain high burden of subjectivism and witch signifies a possible exacerbation of functions by the judiciary, suffering, in this case, of requirement of legal certainty. It is concluded that the Court decision that determines the government the providing of medicine to those who can not afford the cost of treatment should be based on parameters such as: the protection of human dignity and the minimum existencial principle, the inafastable jurisdiction principle; compliance critique of the possible reserve principle; subsidiarity of judicial intervention; proportionality (quantitative and qualitative) in the content of the decision; the questioning about the reasons for non-delivery of the drug through administrative via; and, finally, the attention not to turn the judiciary into a mere production factor of the pharmaceutical industry, contributing to the cartelization of the right to health

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If, on one hand, only with the 1988 Federal Constitution the right to health began to receive the treatment of authentic fundamental social right; on the other, it is certain since then, the level of concretization reached as to such right depicts a mismatch between the constitutional will and the will of the rulers. That is because, despite the inherent gradualness of the process of concretization of the fundamental social rights, the Brazilian reality, marked by a picture of true chaos on public health routinely reported on the evening news, denatures the priority status constitutionally drew for the right to health, demonstrating, thus, that there is a clear deficit in this process, which must be corrected. This concern regarding the problem of the concretization of the social rights, in turn, is underlined when one speaks of the right to health, since such right, due to its intimate connection with the right to life and human dignity, ends up assuming a position of primacy among the social rights, presenting itself as an imperative right, since its perfect fruition becomes an essential condition for the potential enjoyment of the remaining social rights. From such premises, this paper aims to provide a proposal for the correction of this problem based upon the defense of an active role of the Judiciary in the concretization of the right to health as long as grounded to objective and solid parameters that come to correct, with legal certainty, the named deficit and to avoid the side effects and distortions that are currently beheld when the Judiciary intends to intervene in the matter. For that effect, emerges as flagship of this measure a proposition of an existential minimum specific to the right to health that, taking into account both the constitutionally priority points relating to this relevant right, as well as the very logic of the structuring of the Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS inserted within the core of the public health policies developed in the country, comes to contribute to a judicialization of the subject more in alignment with the ideals outlined in the 1988 Constitution. Furthermore, in the same intent to seek a concretization of the right to health in harmony with the constitutional priority inherent to this material right, the research alerts to the need to undertake a restructuring in the form of organization of the Boards of Health in order to enforce the constitutional guideline of SUS community participation, as well as the importance of establishing a new culture budget in the country, with the Constitution as a compass, pass accurately portray a special prioritization directed constitutional social rights, especially the right to health

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The present research has, as general objective, to seek a constitucional hermeneutics directed toward the improvement of the efficacy of the social rights rules, with the purpose to solve the elapsins problems from the general picture of its inefficiency, which are disposed on the Constitution, in its ample majority, as mere regular norms. Leaving of the premise that no Constitutional norm can be without being materialized and the true development of the State is it the social one (based on the principles of freedom, equality and solidarity), it will be demonstrated that the arguments in favor of the legislative inefficiency configure a true blow on the Democratic State of Brazilian Law. For this, it will be done, preliminarily, a study of the basic rights, legal category where it is found the social rights. To follow, it will be analyzed the hermeneutics of the legal norms, with emphasis on the specifics of the constitutional hermeneutics and its methods of interpretation. Finally, the aspect on the improvement of efficacy and the effectiveness of the social rights will be studied, through a new readind of certain dogmas that still persist in the legal world, being distinguished the institutiones of the reserve of the possible and the existential minimum. Ahead of this, after verifying the new paradigmas of the interpretable activity, will be demonstrated how it is possible to get an upgrade on the effectiveness of the social rights

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O presente estudo tem como objeto analisar a efetividade do direito à educação na Constituição de 1988. Examina-se o conceito, a natureza, os custos (como a criação de reserva de fundos no FUNDEB e as designações sobre os percentuais a serem usados para a manutenção e desenvolvimento do ensino pelas entidades federativas), o papel do Estado e da sociedade e os princípios constitucionais que regulam a implementação do direito à educação na realidade brasileira. A partir do postulado de que o Estado Social e Democrático de Direito é protetor dos direitos sociais, foi relevante considerar que os argumentos sobre o mínimo existencial e a escassez de recursos devem ser apreciados com o máximo de cuidado. Além disso, são analisadas duas decisões judiciais proferidas em dois casos concretos que foram levados ao Supremo Tribunal Federal, fenômeno denominado por maior parte da doutrina de “judicialização de políticas públicas”, trata-se do caso Santo André/SP e do caso Queimados/RJ. Por fim, as referidas decisões são analisadas conforme os princípios e valores constitucionais tendo sido concluído que as demandas coletivas de satisfação do direito à educação são prioritárias em relação as demandas individuais, embora ambas sejam exigíveis.

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A falta, de concretização de alguns direitos fundamentais, como os sociais de saúde e educação, que demandam certos custos para o Estado, ainda representa um desafio ao constitucionalismo brasileiro. Em decorrência, os tribunais vêm se deparando com demandas relacionadas a materialização dos referidos direitos, tais como pedidos de fornecimento de medicamentos não fornecidos pela rede pública de saúde ou a garantia de matrícula de estudante no sistema público de educação. Tratam-se assim de pedidos de ordens judiciais para que a administração pública cumpra seu dever constitucional, através de prestações positivas. Tal fenômeno, incluído por boa parte da doutrina dentro do que se convencionou chamar de "judicialização da política" não está isento à criticas. Em seu desfavor, argumenta-se que (1) o Judiciário está agredindo o princípio da separação de poderes, haja vista que a função administrativa, com sua discricionariedade, deve ser preservada com o Executivo não devendo na mesma se imiscuírem os magistrados, sendo-lhes defeso interferir em políticas publicas; (II) não há legitimidade democrática dos juízes, pois os mesmos não foram eleitos pelo povo; (III) o Judiciário não está preparado e tecnicamente capacitado para tal tipo de demanda; (IV) por envolver prestações positivas e assim necessidade de recursos públicos para a sua concretização, uma, determinação judicial nesse sentido contrariaria o princípio da legalidade e anterioridade orçamentária e encontraria sérios óbices em sua concretização pela reserva do possível. O presente estudo se propõe não só a analisar os referidos argumentos, como também examinar as fronteiras do sistema jurídico e do político, para concluir pela legitimidade ou não de tal conduta judicial, bem como a análise da natureza, do alegado caráter programático e da difícil delimitação dos direitos sociais e sua proteção judicial, ou seja, se procura, em síntese, examinar o papel do judiciário brasileiro no problema da efetivação dos direitos sociais, como garantidor do mínimo existencial.

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Pós-graduação em Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento (Biotecnologia Médica) - FMB