A Família do tesouro: a monumentalização da família Albuquerque Maranhão e a luta pelo poder no Rio Grande do Norte (1889-1914)

The objective of this study is to discuss the process of building a family monumentalization Albuquerque Maranhão showed that both the traditional historiography of Rio Grande do Norte, represented by Tavares de Lyra, Rocha Pombo e Câmara Cascudo, as reflected in urban areas of Natal. To understand this process, we intend to analyze the production of the aforementioned authors as well as more recent studies, trying to discern or identify an attempt to link them to the family name to the history of Albuquerque Maranhão State, which ended up giving visibility to this group, making it the characters featured in the scenario of local history, investing them with a monumental character. In addition to historical analysis, we observe changes in the urban landscape of the city of Natal in the early twentieth century orchestrated by members of this family, which tied his line to public spaces for a new and modern city. Through this review, we will be able to realize that such practices turned out to be a stage of political disputes between Albuquerque Maranhão and opposition groups who were anxious to remove them both from the center of historical narratives on the Rio Grande do Norte, as well as the political space of the State environment exclusive domain of this group for nearly twenty years

The Demobilized Body: Transgressions of Personal Space and Political Participation

Grounded in the intersection between gender politics and electoral studies, this dissertation examines the demobilizing effects of violations of personal space (in the form of domestic violence, control over mobility, emotional abuse, and sexual harassment) on the propensity to vote. Using quantitative methods across four survey datasets concerning Lebanon, the United States, Morocco, and Yemen, this research concludes that cross-regionally, familial control over mobility reduces the propensity to vote among women. Conversely, mechanisms of empowerment such as education and employment increase the propensity to vote.

The sage of Sinnissippi. Being a brief sketch of the life of Congressman Frank Orren Lowden, of Oregon, Illinois, brief sketches of his rivals in political battles, a short artical relating to his availability as a presidential candidate for 1908, and an official and authentic account of state elections in Illinois, statistically, combined with a roll of honor of the nation, the state, the county, and the village, the home of the author ...

Mode of access: Internet.

Em nome(s) dos interesses: imaginários toponímicos do Rio Grande do Norte na Primeira República

This paper has the imaginary names as a theme, from which we aim to analyze the imaginaries and invested interests that characterized the implementation and the legitimation of the First Republic in Rio Grande do Norte (1889 1930), making the process of registering names history in that place. For the construction of our object, we studied laws and provincial, state and municipal decrees; annual messages of governors; articles of the following newspapers O Povo, A República, Diário do Natal, O Seridoense, A Notícia and Jornal das Moças; the local cartography and historiography that talk about the study of names. The use of these resources, allied to the empiric method, was driven by a theoretic methodological contribution based on the history of the political imaginary, as discussed by Cornelius Castoriadis, René Rémond, Michel de Certeau and Maria Dick. For the understanding of the imaginaries that (de)limited the spaces of Rio Grande do Norte concerning its names during the First Republic, we bring moment back to the two last imperial decades moment of cleavage between Empire and Republic essential for the fomentation of the imaginary that embodied the organization of our study. From this period, we observe, through the names of some cities, how the northern space would be aligned to the imaginary dynamic of the new political system of the nation, and it had followed to a redirection process of the giving names action, according to the interests of the family organization Albuquerque Maranhão, revealed while determining the names of cities, towns, streets, schools, buildings, etc., in thankfulness to the memory of its members. In the sequence we verified how a new dynamic of giving names helped to understand the process of political transition from the Coast to the Sertão, and at the same time affirmed the power of the political and economical seridoense elite towards the government of the state in the two last decades of the First Republic

O (in)imaginável elefante mal-ajambrado: a questão de limites entre o Ceará e o Rio Grande do Norte e o exame da formação espacial e identitária norte-rio-grandense na Primeira República

This study s main goal is to analyze the way the limits between Ceará and Rio Grande do Norte states, the so called Grossos matter, has been associated to the norte-rio-grandense spacial and identity formation during the first republic period. Thus, a consistet number of sources: RN and CE old newspapers, as well as a república from Natal and Fortaleza and o mossoroense ; historical drafts from the historical and geographical institute associated and historical, gographical and anthropological institute of Ceará; the Ação Cível Originária de nº 6 from the supreme federal tribunal and many other cartographies. The documents haven t been hierarchized, neither accepted as proof effects, but understood as the base matter for this text composition by the deconstruction of the analyzed discusses. In order to do that the ablação or bricolagem method, without quotations marks or long quotations themselves, has been used. Along the three analyzed charpters: the two phases the litigious was found, since its beginning yet in the XVIII century until 1888 and its return within the republic proclamation, in the 1920 resolution; the development of the documental, historical and identity dispute between IHGA-CE and IHG-RN; and, at last, the political game existing between the Albuquerque Maranhão oligarchy , Manuel Pereira Reis and Rui Barbosa, explaining the intentions, silent and miths built along the time by these intellectual participations

Marketing político e mídias sociais: as estratégias utilizadas no facebook e twitter de Cássio Cunha Lima PSDB/PB, nas eleições de 2014

This dissertation aims to analyze and understand the process and practices of political marketing strategies applied to social media facebook and twitter Cássio Cunha Lima - PSDB candidate for governor of Paraíba, in the 2014 elections The work is divided into three parts . The first two chapters, both of theoretical nature, underlie the discussion about the use of the Internet as a campaign space and political marketing campaign as well as the different communication strategies and electoral marketing already presented in the literature. Following, is dedicated to a topic for the presentation of the methodology and subsequently makes the discussion of empirical data analysis. Finally, we present the conclusions. The analysis takes as its starting point the models Figueiredo et al. (1998) and Albuquerque (1999) to observe the traditional strategies and suggests the inclusion of typically recorded on the Internet strategies. The methodology used for the analysis was the qualitative and quantitative content from variables that we list different campaign strategies. In order to achieve the purpose of this research, we conducted a case study as an analytical object online campaign Cássio Cunha Lima. The case study took place from the construction of a candidate's biographical and political profile, presented and discussed in the text. This research also made use of virtual ethnography. Therefore, were monitored social media facebook and twitter that political, with the help of image capture program - Greenshot by creating pre-defined categories of analysis, for example, calendar, prestige and support, negative campaign , engagement, among others. The period chosen for monitoring the candidate's official profiles was from 24 August to 28 October 2014, because it holds the pre, during and post-election where there was greater candidate drive level and his team marketing in social media selected for analysis. The results indicate that mobilization strategy (online and offline), merged with the promotion schedule, it is predominant in the social media Cassio. They also indicate that they do not show the failure of the campaign of the candidate in 2014.

XML documents clustering using tensor space model - A preliminary study

A hierarchical structure is used to represent the content of the semi-structured documents such as XML and XHTML. The traditional Vector Space Model (VSM) is not sufficient to represent both the structure and the content of such web documents. Hence in this paper, we introduce a novel method of representing the XML documents in Tensor Space Model (TSM) and then utilize it for clustering. Empirical analysis shows that the proposed method is scalable for a real-life dataset as well as the factorized matrices produced from the proposed method helps to improve the quality of clusters due to the enriched document representation with both the structure and the content information.

XML documents clustering using Tensor Space Model

The traditional Vector Space Model (VSM) is not able to represent both the structure and the content of XML documents. This paper introduces a novel method of representing XML documents in a Tensor Space Model (TSM) and then utilizing it for clustering. Empirical analysis shows that the proposed method is scalable for large-sized datasets; as well, the factorized matrices produced from the proposed method help to improve the quality of clusters through the enriched document representation of both structure and content information.

Lähteiden lumoamat : Henry Biaudet, Liisi Karttunen ja suomalainen historiantutkimus Roomassa 1900-luvun alussa

Enchanted by Sources. Henry Biaudet, Liisi Karttunen and Finnish Historical Research in Rome in the Early Twentieth Century This study traces the scholarly endeavours of Henry Biaudet (1870 1915) and Liisi Karttunen (1880 1957) and "La mission historique finlandaise à Rome" which they founded in 1909. They are forgotten in Finnish historiography, but remain internationally renowned for their contribution to the nunciature studies. By investigating their historical work on the Counter- Reformation era, their roles in the scientific communities of Helsinki and Rome as well as the intersection of politics and science in their scholarly practices the study explores the nature of historical research in general at the turn of the twentieth century. The work covers fields such as historiography, university history and the political use of history. Methodologically the research is based on the analysis and contextualization of published and unpublished sources (e.g. correspondences, university records, scholarly publications and reviews in academic journals). Henry Biaudet criticized the previous research on the Nordic Counter-Reformation for its narrow national scope and sources. He sought out a new approach, including the use of sources in archives all over Europe and the inclusion of the Catholic viewpoint. Accordingly, Biaudet and Karttunen searched for records in archives in Southern Europe. Their unorthodox interpretations were denounced in Finland since the picture they gave of late sixteenth-century Sweden was too different from the national narrative. Moreover, Finnish national identity was firmly rooted in Protestantism, and questioning the benevolence of the Reformation and its main actors was considered as an attack not only against historical truth but also national values. The comparison between Biaudet s and Karttunen s arguments and the accepted narrative in Finland shows how traditional interpretations of the Nordic Reformation were influenced by the Lutheran ethos and European anticlerical rhetoric. Historians have recently paid substantial attention to the political use of history, usually focusing on politicized constructions of the national past. This study shows how research that met the criteria of modern historiography also served political purposes. Conducting research in an international community of historians and publishing ambitious scholarly studies that interested an international audience were ways to create a positive image of Finland abroad. These were not uniquely Finnish ideas but rather ideas shared by the international community of historians in Rome. In this context, scientific pursuits were given a clear political meaning. This enhances our understanding of nineteenth-century historiography being firmly rooted between science and politics.

The German Military Entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld and His Conduct of Asymmetrical Warfare in the Thirty Years War

The dissertation examines aspects of asymmetrical warfare in the war-making of the German military entrepreneur Ernst von Mansfeld during his involvement in the Thirty Years War. Due to the nature of the inquiry, which combines history with military-political theory, the methodological approach of the dissertation is interdisciplinary. The theoretical framework used is that of asymmetrical warfare. The primary sources used in the dissertation are mostly political pamphlets and newsletters. Other sources include letters, documents, and contemporaneous chronicles. The secondary sources are divided into two categories, literature on the history of the Thirty Years War and textbooks covering the theory of asymmetrical warfare. The first category includes biographical works on Ernst von Mansfeld, as well as general histories of the Thirty Years War and seventeenth-century warfare. The second category combines military theory and political science. The structure of the dissertation consists of eight lead chapters, including an introduction and conclusion. The introduction covers the theoretical approach and aims of the dissertation, and provides a brief overlook of the sources and previous research on Ernst von Mansfeld and asymmetrical warfare in the Thirty Years War. The second chapter covers aspects of Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare from the perspective of operational art. The third chapter investigates the illegal and immoral aspects of Mansfeld s war-making. The fourth chapter compares the differing methods by which Mansfeld and his enemies raised and financed their armies. The fifth chapter investigates Mansfeld s involvement in indirect warfare. The sixth chapter presents Mansfeld as an object and an agent of image and information war. The seventh chapter looks into the counter-reactions, which Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare provoked from his enemies. The eighth chapter offers a conclusion of the findings. The dissertation argues that asymmetrical warfare presented itself in all the aforementioned areas of Mansfeld s conduct during the Thirty Years War. The operational asymmetry arose from the freedom of movement that Mansfeld enjoyed, while his enemies were constrained by the limits of positional warfare. As a non-state operator Mansfeld was also free to flout the rules of seventeenth-century warfare, which his enemies could not do with equal ease. The raising and financing of military forces was another source of asymmetry, because the nature of early seventeenth-century warfare favoured private military entrepreneurs rather than embryonic fiscal-military states. The dissertation also argues that other powers fought their own asymmetrical and indirect wars against the Habsburgs through Mansfeld s agency. Image and information were asymmetrical weapons, which were both aimed against Mansfeld and utilized by him. Finally, Mansfeld s asymmetrical threat forced the Habsburgs to adapt to his methods, which ultimately lead to the formation of a subcontracted Imperial Army under the management and leadership of Albrecht von Wallenstein. Therefore Mansfeld s asymmetrical warfare ultimately paved way for the kind of state-monopolized, organised, and symmetrical warfare that has prevailed from 1648 onwards. The conclusion is that Mansfeld s conduct in the Thirty Years War matched the criteria for asymmetrical warfare. While traditional historiography treated Mansfeld as an anomaly in the age of European state formation, his asymmetrical warfare has begun to bear resemblance to the contemporary conflicts, where nation states no longer hold the monopoly of violence.

Parades, Flags, Carnivals and Riots: Public Space, Contestation and Transformation in Northern Ireland

This paper explores one of the defining aspects of politics and identity in Northern Ireland: the control and utilization of public space, particularly urban public space. Ethnopolitical conflict consistently reveals itself through contestation over public space. The role of ritual events is important in the development of political identity and group cohesion. The symbolic landscape will be constructed through displays of identity by dominant groups and their ability to control that landscape by inhibiting displays by other groups. This will reveal itself through frequent contests over rituals and symbols. This paper looks at the role of ritual events in civic spaces in Belfast but particularly asks what role they might play in conflict transformation. The 1998 agreement offered political structures that provided for shared power after 30 years of violent conflict. At the same time, there was an increase in contestation over public space as political groups within the previously marginalized Catholic community demanded recognition within the public sphere and a rebalancing of the public space through changes to the previously dominant Protestant and Unionist expression of identity. The paper concludes by suggesting that in “shared space��� a new civic identity that spans the political and ethnic divisions has started to develop in Belfast and that this might evolve despite an increased residential division throughout the urban area.

¿La edad de la política? Balanche Historiográfico de los estudios sobre comunicación e información política en la sociedad ibérica moderna

Los estudios sobre política y su impacto y circulación entre la sociedad moderna, han solido limitar su expansión a un número reducido de personas del entorno más próximo a los grandes actores cortesanos frente a la tradicional “indiferencia” del común. Sin embargo, gracias a la renovación de la historiografía de lo político y a su interés por áreas culturales y sociales ajenas a su tradicional consideración, en las últimas décadas se ha descubierto un interesante terreno de experiencias políticas que nos puede servir como atalaya para conocer la difusión de la información sobre los hechos políticos también entre “gente corriente”. A nuestro juicio, es un momento adecuado para evaluar el desarrollo de un fenómeno historiográfico carente de cierta sistematicidad, razón por la que planteamos este balance crítico y analítico sobre la sociedad ibérica del Antiguo Régimen.

Rebelle devant les extrêmes : Paul Levi, une biographie politique

Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar. Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque.

Consumption of Bias and Reptition as a Revisionary Strategies in Palace of the Peacock and in the Thought of Wilson Harris

Wilson Harris créée dans son roman Le palace du paon un espace de transformation intellectuelle d’une nature inédite. Cet espace se confond avec la matrice narrative de son roman. Celle-ci permet la génèse de l’identité guyanaise, non pas à partir des vestiges pré-coloniaux, ni grâce aux récits des historiens des vainqueurs mais avec des ingrédients philosophiques et littéraires de nature à transformer l’étoffe même de notre imaginaire et énergie créative. Il utilise pour ce faire la répétition comme stratégie narrative permettant de rompre la linéarité chronologique qui joint passé, présent et avenir. Ainsi faisant, il déjoue toutes les attentes de ses lecteurs les habituant ainsi à ce que Derrida appelle la logique spectrale qui permet l’influence mutuelle entre passé et présent. Ce travail est l’exploration des mécanismes de ce lâcher prise imaginatif mais aussi de toutes les voix qui répètent, à travers le temps et les continents, cet appel à l’hospitalité inconditionnelle envers l’Autre, c'est-à-dire une ouverture envers le paradoxal, le multiple, le différent en soi et en dehors de soi.