The sacralization of politics and the politization of the sacred during the Spanish Civil War and the first francoism (1936-1943)

Tra il 1936 e il 1943 la Spagna visse un periodo di guerra civile e scontri fra la Falange e la Chiesa. Tutto ciò non fece altro che innalzare la figura di Franco, un generale, che viene sacralizzato e che governò per quasi 40 anni

L'a(rche)tipico Brian O'Nolan. Comico e riso dalla tradizione al post-

This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of man’s characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provine’s (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelli’s (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestler’s (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Berger’s (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general ‘Economy Rule’ of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic person’s arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the “village fool”, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the ‘social comic’ as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmann’s work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohue’s The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Booker’s Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopper’s Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagher’s Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the author’s restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his “specific weight”, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo law’s penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a ‘social’ comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its ‘chapters’ —the daily articles— had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition O’Nolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figure’s function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a ‘culture in common’. There is no way for a ‘culture in common’ to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more ‘connected’ we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.

Dall'involucro all'invaso. Lo spazio a pianta centrale nell'opera architettonica di Adalberto Libera

An archetype selected over the centuries Adalberto Libera wrote little, showing more inclination to use the project as the only means of verification. This study uses a survey of the project for purely compositional space in relation to the reason that most other returns with continuity and consistency throughout his work. "The fruit of a type selected over centuries", in the words of Libera, is one of the most widely used and repeated spatial archetypes present in the history of architecture, given its nature as defined by a few consolidated elements and precisely defined with characters of geometric precision and absoluteness, the central space is provided, over the course of evolution of architecture, and its construction aspects as well as symbolic, for various uses, from historical period in which it was to coincide with sacred space for excellence, to others in which it lends itself to many different expressive possibilities of a more "secular". The central space was created on assumptions of a constructive character, and the same exact reason has determined the structural changes over the centuries, calling from time to time with advances in technology, the maximum extent possible and the different applications, which almost always have coincided with the reason for the monumental space. But it’s in the Roman world that the reason for the central space is defined from the start of a series of achievements that fix the character in perpetuity. The Pantheon was seen maximum results and, simultaneously, the archetype indispensable, to the point that it becomes difficult to sustain a discussion of the central space that excludes. But the reason the space station has complied, in ancient Rome, just as exemplary, monuments, public spaces or buildings with very different implications. The same Renaissance, on which Wittkower's proving itself once and for all, the nature and interpretation of sacred space station, and thus the symbolic significance of that invaded underlying interpretations related to Humanism, fixing the space-themed drawing it with the study and direct observation by the four-sixteenth-century masters, the ruins that in those years of renewed interest in the classical world, the first big pieces of excavation of ancient Rome brought to light with great surprise of all. Not a case, the choice to investigate the architectural work of Libera through the grounds of the central space. Investigating its projects and achievements, it turns out as the reason invoked particularly evident from the earliest to latest work, crossing-free period of the war which for many authors in different ways, the distinction between one stage and another, or the final miss. The theme and the occasion for Libera always distinct, it is precisely the key through which to investigate her work, to come to discover that the first-in this case the central plan-is the constant underlying all his work, and the second reason that the quota with or at the same time, we will return different each time and always the same Libera, formed on the major works remained from ancient times, and on this building method, means consciously, that the characters of architectural works, if valid, pass the time, and survive the use and function contingent. As for the facts by which to formalize it, they themselves are purely contingent, and therefore available to be transferred from one work to another, from one project to another, using also the loan. Using the same two words-at-issue and it becomes clear now how the theme of this study is the method of Libera and opportunity to the study of the central space in his work. But there is one aspect that, with respect to space a central plan evolves with the progress of the work of Libera on the archetype, and it is the reason behind all the way, just because an area built entirely on reason centric. It 'just the "center" of space that, ultimately, tells us the real progression and the knowledge that over the years has matured and changed in Libera. In the first phase, heavily laden with symbolic superstructure, even if used in a "bribe" from Free-always ill-disposed to sacrifice the idea of architecture to a phantom-center space is just the figure that identifies the icon represents space itself: the cross, the flame or the statue are different representations of the same idea of center built around an icon. The second part of the work of clearing the space station, changed the size of the orders but the demands of patronage, grows and expands the image space centric, celebratory nature that takes and becomes, in a different way, this same symbol . You see, one in all, as the project of "Civiltà Italiana" or symbolic arch are examples of this different attitude. And at the same point of view, you will understand how the two projects formulated on the reuse of the Mausoleum of Augustus is the key to its passage from first to second phase: the Ara Pacis in the second project, making itself the center of the composition "breaks" the pattern of symbolic figure in the center, because it is itself an architecture. And, in doing so, the transition takes place where the building itself-the central space-to become the center of that space that itself creates and determines, by extending the potential and the expressiveness of the enclosure (or cover) that defines the basin centered. In this second series of projects, which will be the apex and the point of "crisis" in the Palazzo dei Congressi all'E42 received and is no longer so, the symbol at the very geometry of space, but space itself and 'action' will be determined within this; action leading a movement, in the case of the Arco simbolico and the "Civiltà Italiana" or, more frequently, or celebration, as in the great Sala dei Recevimenti all’E42, which, in the first project proposal, is represented as a large area populated by people in suits, at a reception, in fact. In other words, in this second phase, the architecture is no longer a mere container, but it represents the shape of space, representing that which "contains". In the next step-determining the knowledge from which mature in their transition to post-war-is one step that radically changes the way centric space, although formally and compositionally Libera continues the work on the same elements, compounds and relationships in a different way . In this last phase Freedom, center, puts the man in human beings, in the two previous phases, and in a latent, were already at the center of the composition, even if relegated to the role of spectators in the first period, or of supporting actors in the second, now the heart of space. And it’s, as we shall see, the very form of being together in the form of "assembly", in its different shades (up to that sacred) to determine the shape of space, and how to relate the parts that combine to form it. The reconstruction of the birth, evolution and development of the central space of the ground in Libera, was born on the study of the monuments of ancient Rome, intersected on fifty years of recent history, honed on the constancy of a method and practice of a lifetime, becomes itself, Therefore, a project, employing the same mechanisms adopted by Libera; the decomposition and recomposition, research synthesis and unity of form, are in fact the structure of this research work. The road taken by Libera is a lesson in clarity and rationality, above all, and this work would uncover at least a fragment.

Celti e Reti tra V e I sec. a.C. Oggetti tipo LaTène all'interno della cerchia culturale Fritzens-Sanzeno (arco alpino centro-orientale)

The study of the objects LaTène type found in middle-eastern alpine region (Trentino Alto Adige-Südtirol, Engadina, North Tirol, Voralberg and Villach basin) is aimed to a better comprehension of the complex net of relationships established among the Celts, settled both in the central Europe territories and, since the IV century b.C., in the Po Plain, and the local populations. The ancient authors, who called the inhabitants of this area Raeti, propose for this territory the usual pattern according to which, the population of a region was formed consequently to a migration or was caused by the hunting of pre-existing peoples. The archaeologists, in the last thirty years, recognized a cultural facies typical of the middle-eastern alpine territory during the second Iron Age, and defined that as Fritzens-Sanzeno culture (from the sites of Fritzens, Inn valley, and Sanzeno, Non Valley). The so-called Fritzens-Sanzeno culture spread out without breaks from the material culture of the final Bronze Age and the first Iron Age. This local substratum, characterized by a ceramic repertoire strongly standardized, by peculiar architectural solutions and by a particular typology of rural sacred places (Brandopferplätze), accepted, above all during the second Iron Age, the strong influences coming from the Etruscan world and from the Celtic one (evident in the presence of objects of ornament, of glass artefacts, of elements of the weaponry and of coins). The objects LaTène type become, with different degrees of reliability, important markers of the relationships existing between the Celts and the Raeti, although the ways of interaction (cultural influence, people's movements, commercial exchanges, gifts among élites etc.) is not still clear. The revision of published data and the study of unpublished materials allows to define a rich and articulated picture both to chronological level and to territorial one.

"Tracciature Digitali": la conoscenza nell'era informazionale

La specificità dell'acquisizione di contenuti attraverso le interfacce digitali condanna l'agente epistemico a un'interazione frammentata, insufficiente da un punto di vista computazionale, mnemonico e temporale, rispetto alla mole informazionale oggi accessibile attraverso una qualunque implementazione della relazione uomo-computer, e invalida l'applicabilità del modello standard di conoscenza, come credenza vera e giustificata, sconfessando il concetto di credenza razionalmente fondata, per formare la quale, sarebbe invece richiesto all'agente di poter disporre appunto di risorse concettuali, computazionali e temporali inaccessibili. La conseguenza è che l'agente, vincolato dalle limitazioni ontologiche tipiche dell'interazione con le interfacce culturali, si vede costretto a ripiegare su processi ambigui, arbitrari e spesso più casuali di quanto creda, di selezione e gestione delle informazioni che danno origine a veri e propri ibridi (alla Latour) epistemologici, fatti di sensazioni e output di programmi, credenze non fondate e bit di testimonianze indirette e di tutta una serie di relazioni umano-digitali che danno adito a rifuggire in una dimensione trascendente che trova nel sacro il suo più immediato ambito di attuazione. Tutto ciò premesso, il presente lavoro si occupa di costruire un nuovo paradigma epistemologico di conoscenza proposizionale ottenibile attraverso un'interfaccia digitale di acquisizione di contenuti, fondato sul nuovo concetto di Tracciatura Digitale, definito come un un processo di acquisizione digitale di un insieme di tracce, ossia meta-informazioni di natura testimoniale. Tale dispositivo, una volta riconosciuto come un processo di comunicazione di contenuti, si baserà sulla ricerca e selezione di meta-informazioni, cioè tracce, che consentiranno l'implementazione di approcci derivati dall'analisi decisionale in condizioni di razionalità limitata, approcci che, oltre ad essere quasi mai utilizzati in tale ambito, sono ontologicamente predisposti per una gestione dell'incertezza quale quella riscontrabile nell'istanziazione dell'ibrido informazionale e che, in determinate condizioni, potranno garantire l'agente sulla bontà epistemica del contenuto acquisito.

'Defending the rights'. An integrated model of collective action for "public water" in Italy

In many communities, supplying water for the people is a huge task and the fact that this essential service can be carried out by the private sector respecting the right to water, is a debated issue. This dissertation investigates the mechanisms through which a 'perceived rights violation' - which represents a specific form of perceived injustice which derives from the violation of absolute moral principles – can promote collective action. Indeed, literature on morality and collective action suggests that even if many people apparently sustain high moral principles (like human rights), only a minority decides to act in order to defend them. Taking advantage of the political situation in Italy, and the recent mobilization for "public water" we hypothesized that, because of its "sacred value", the perceived violation of the right to water facilitates identification with the social movement and activism. Through five studies adopting qualitative and quantitative methods, we confirmed our hypotheses demonstrating that the perceived violation of the right to water can sustain activism and it can influence vote intentions at the referendum for 'public water'. This path to collective action coexists with other 'classical' predictors of collective action, like instrumental factors (personal advantages, efficacy beliefs) and anger. The perceived rights violation can derive both from personal values (i.e. universalism) and external factors (i.e. a mobilization campaign). Furthermore, we demonstrated that it is possible to enhance the perceived violation of the right to water and anger through a specifically designed communication campaign. The final chapter summarizes the main findings and discusses the results, suggesting some innovative line of research for collective action literature.

La città di Trento tra Tardo Antico e Alto Medio Evo: la genesi della città medievale e lo spazio del sacro.

Lo scavo della chiesa di Santa MAria Maggiore ha permesso di acquisire nuove importanti informazioni sulla storia della città di Trento, sulla città tardo antica e sul processo di cristianizzazione. Il primo impianto ecclesiastico, datato a dopo la metà del V d. C. secolo, sorge su un precedente impianto termale realizzato intorno al II secolo d. C. ed appare caratterizzato da un forte carattere monumentale. La chiesa, a tre navate, presentava un presbiterio rialzato decorato in una prima fase da un opus sectile poi sostituito nel VI secolo da un mosaico policromo. Sono state rinvenute inoltre, parti consistenti della decorazione architettonica di fine VIII secolo pertinente questo stesso impianto che non subirà importanti modifiche fino alla realizzazione del successivo edificio di culto medievale, meno esteso e dai caratteri decisamente meno monumentali, caratterizzato dalla presenza di un esteso campo cimiteriale rinvenuto a nord della chiesa. A questo impianto ne succede un terzo, probabilmente a due navate, e dalla ricca decorazione pittorica demolito in età tardo rinascimentale per la realizzazione della chiesa attuale.

Gli schemata corporei degli Orixás: Azioni, gesti e atteggiamenti della cultura afro-brasiliana nelle metodologie pedagogico-teatrali

Questa tesi prende in esame le convergenze culturali (tecniche e prassi attoriali) nelle metodologie pedagogiche del “secondo” Novecento teatrale. L’analisi riguarda il modo in cui le tecniche provenienti dai derivati della tradizione africana – in particolare le azioni, i gesti e gli atteggiamenti corporei usati nelle danze sacre del Candomblé – e lo studio degli organi espressivi del corpo permettono all’ artista della scena di acquisire conoscenze pragmatiche su determinati automatismi della sua struttura bio-psichica. L’esame di queste convergenze è fatto pertanto attraverso l’analisi di pratiche teatrali che ammettono le interconnessioni culturali, le “migrazioni” ed i “contagi” fra tecniche teatrali europee e modus operandi extraeuropei. Mediante l’analisi di queste pratiche pedagogiche transculturali si verifica che, gli elementi tecnico-espressivi “estranei” appartenenti ad altre culture possono essere efficaci in un tipo di metodologia “meticcia” solo quando questo modus operandi transculturale contempla la partecipazione collaborativa tra i soggetti coinvolti nel processo educativo.

Celestial Church of Christ in Italia. Percorsi, Spazi e Pratiche Rituali

Il lavoro che presento propone un’analisi di una chiesa africana indipendente in Italia, la Celestial Church Of Christ Worldwide (CCCW), cercando di mettere in luce il nesso tra religione, migrazione e il processo di ‘plunting churches’ (Kooning 2009) nel contesto italiano. Attraverso una ricerca sul campo, sono stati indagati i percorsi personali, familiari e comunitari dei membri di una ‘Celestial Parish’ presente nel comune di Brescia, ‘Ileri Oluwa Parish’, al fine di comprendere la natura dei processi identitari coinvolti nell’organizzazione della CCC in Italia. ‘Ileri Oluwa Parish’, in quanto luogo che denota una ‘chiesa individuale collegata ad una Diocesi’ (CCC Constitution (CCC Constitution, 107 (d) si rivela, nella materialità delle sue forme e dei ‘Devotional Services’ che in essa si svolgono, a ‘field of action’ (Lefebvre, 1991). La storia della chiesa, i fondamenti della sua dottrina e i significati comunicati attraverso le forme rituali e religiose che la stessa promuove, sono stati contestualizzati alla luce delle tensioni e delle strategie di potere che strutturano il campo. Le storie dei membri della parrocchia, percorsi di migrazione e mobilità in itinere, rappresentano la lente attraverso cui si è guardato alle relazioni vissute nel nome dello ‘Spirito’, e alla percezione stessa di ciò che gli stessi Celestians definiscono sacro, santo, puro e impuro. Lo sguardo fisso alla vita ordinaria di una Celestial parish in Italia, esteso nell’ultima parte dell’elaborato alla Celestial parish londinese, è stato fondamentale per capire l’intreccio di relazioni spirituali, reti familiari e mobilità degli individui sul territorio italiano ed europeo, processo che ribalta la condizione diasporica della CCC, trasformando una condizione di dispersione in un valore aggiunto, nella possibilità di nuove traiettorie territoriali e spazi di presenza religiosa e socioeconomica.

L(ocus) d(atos) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum): La concessione di spazi pubblici nelle comunita' cittadine dell'italia romana

La tesi riguarda la concessione di spazi di proprietà pubblica a privati, intesi come singole persone o enti, quali ad esempio i collegi, da parte delle autorità cittadine. Le fonti a disposizione per indagare tale pratica burocratica sono quasi totalmente di natura epigrafica, per lo più attestanti l’espressione locus datus decreto decurionum, variamente abbreviata, o formule similari. Questo aspetto della vita civica è stata cursoriamente oggetto di studio in diversi contributi, ma si tratta di articoli che circoscrivono il tema, analizzandolo in relazione a ristrette aree geografiche, oppure considerandone determinati aspetti (ad esempio l’ambito sacro o quello funerario). Si è perciò ritenuto utile proseguire questa linea di ricerca affrontando uno studio di più ampio raggio, che comprenda la documentazione epigrafica dell’intero territorio italico (costituito dalle undici regioni augustee ad esclusione di Roma), per tutte le tipologie testuali (iscrizioni sacre, funerarie, onorarie, su opera pubblica, exempla decreti), allo scopo di formulare osservazioni più precise e puntuali sulla procedura burocratica in esame, pur con tutti i limiti noti a chi affronti questo genere di indagine. Tra le conclusioni raggiunte, è emerso come durante il I-II sec. d.C. vi fosse la tendenza a concedere, sporadicamente, dei loca sepulturae extraurbani a membri delle famiglie delle élites cittadine, anche donne e fanciulli, mentre il foro e le altre aree pubbliche interne alla città erano soprattutto utilizzate direttamente dai decurioni per l’elevazione di dediche e statue. Nel corso del II sec. d.C., con massima diffusione nell’età antonina e poi in quella severiana, prese invece piede l’uso privato a scopo onorario degli spazi pubblici siti all’interno delle città, ovvero in aree prima pressoché precluse all’intervento di singoli cittadini: familiari e liberti, collegi e altri organismi commissionavano statue dedicate prevalentemente agli amministratori locali, magistrati cittadini spesso divenuti anche cavalieri.

Expériences du sacré et (dé)figurations du Christ. Artaud, Beckett, Pasolini

« Dieu est mort » proclame à l’envi le fou nietzschéen. C’est sous l’égide inquiète de cette assertion paroxystique, traduisant ce «malaise de la culture» qu’évoquait Freud, que la pensée, la littérature et l’art du XXe siècle européen évoluent. Cependant, le christianisme dont ce cri signe l’extrême décadence, n’est pas seul à imprégner les productions artistiques de ce siècle, même les plus prétendument athées, mais avant tout la figure du Christ - autour de laquelle sont structurés tant cette religion que son système de croyance – semble, littéralement et paradoxalement, infester l’imaginaire du XXe siècle, sous des formes plus ou moins fantasmatiques. Ce travail se propose ainsi précisément d’étudier, dans une optique interdisciplinaire entre littérature, art et cinéma, cette dynamique controversée, ses causes, les processus qui la sous-tendent ainsi que ses effets, à partir des œuvres de trois auteurs : Artaud, Beckett et Pasolini. L’objectif est de fournir une clé de lecture de cette problématique qui mette en exergue comment « la conversion de la croyance », comme la définit Deleuze, à laquelle ces auteurs participent, n’engendre pas un rejet purement profanatoire du christianisme mais, à l’inverse, la mise en œuvre d’un mouvement aussi violent que libératoire qualifié par Nancy de « déconstruction du christianisme ». Ce travail entend donc étudier tout d’abord à la lumière de l’expérience intérieure de Bataille, l’imaginaire christique qui sous-tend leurs productions ; puis, d’en analyser les mouvements et les effets en les questionnant sur la base de cette dynamique ambivalente que Grossman nomme la « défiguration de la forme christique ». Les excès délirants d’Artaud, l’ironie tranchante de Beckett et la passion ambiguë de Pasolini s’avèrent ainsi participer à un mouvement commun qui, oscillant entre reprise et rejet, débouche sur une attitude tout aussi destructive que revitalisante des fondements du christianisme.

L'inno avestico agli Aməsha Spəṇtas (Yasht 2). Testo critico e traduzione con commentario storico religioso

L'inno dedicato ai sette Amesha Spəṇta è parte della produzione avestica recenziore, e si compone in gran parte di porzioni testuali riprese da altri testi avestici a loro volta di formazione tardiva. Lo Yašt si divide in tre parti principali: le stanze 0-10; 11-14; e infine la stanza 15 che comprende la formula di chiusura tipica degli inni avestici. La prima sezione (2.0-10) è composta dalla formula di apertura, incompleta rispetto a quelle dei restanti inni, seguita dai primi sette capitoli di entrambi i Sīh-rōzag compresi i Gāh. Le stanze centrali (11-14) si caratterizzano per l'assenza di passi gemelli, un elevato numero di hapax e di arcaismi formali e inoltre, una grande variabilità nella tradizione manoscritta. Si tratta di una formula magica per esorcizzare/allontanare demoni e stregoni, che doveva essere recitata per sette volte. Tale formula probabilmente rappresentava in origine un testo autonomo che veniva recitato assieme ad altri testi avestici. La versione a noi pervenuta comprende la recitazione di parte di entrambi i Sīh-rōzag, ma è molto probabile che tale arrangement sia soltanto una sequenza recitativa che doveva coesistere assieme ad altre. Attualmente la formula magica viene recitata principalmente assieme allo Yasna Haptaŋhāiti, senza le restanti stanze dell'inno nella sua versione geldneriana. Il testo sembra nascere come formula magica la quale venne recitata assieme a diversi testi avestici come per esempio parti dello Sīh-rōzag. In un periodo impossibile da stabilire con certezza la versione viene fissata nella forma a noi pervenuta nella maggior parte dei manoscritti e per la sua affinità formale probabilmente interpretato come inno e perciò incluso nell'innario avestico.

I tre libri di salmi vespertini a otto voci (opp. I, VII e XI) di Giovanni Paolo Colonna

Le tre raccolte di salmi da vespro a otto voci nello stile pieno di Giovanni Paolo Colonna (Bologna 1637-1695), pubblicate rispettivamente nel 1681, nel 1686 e nel 1694 (opp.I, VII e XI), costituiscono un oggetto di studio privilegiato nell’ambito della ricca produzione a stampa dell’autore: in primo luogo, esse ebbero ampia e favorevole recezione, come testimoniano la diffusione degli esemplari, le ristampe, le copie manoscritte ricavate dalle edizioni; in secondo luogo, la fortuna postuma del compositore fu legata in buona parte alla sua musica sacra a doppio coro e, in particolare, al favore riscosso dai suoi libri di salmi; infine, l’analisi delle tre raccolte consente di confrontare le risorse tecniche e stilistiche messe in opera da Colonna in composizioni afferenti a uno stesso genere ma risalenti a periodi diversi. La dissertazione è articolata in tre parti: nella prima sono presi in esame gli ordinamenti liturgici secenteschi relativi alla celebrazione dei vespri, onde illustrare la cornice rituale alla quale i salmi di Colonna erano destinati, e si passano in rassegna alcune definizioni di stile pieno e di contrappunto a otto voci desunte dalla trattatistica coeva. La seconda parte è dedicata alla lettura storico-critica delle opp. I, VII e XI nel contesto generale della produzione dell’autore. La terza parte contiene l’edizione integrale dell’opera VII e XI, nonché una scelta di brani tratti dall’op. I.

Cultura materiale ed espansione di Roma: Il caso dell'Ager Gallicus

Lo scritto ha l’obiettivo di definire dinamiche e cronologie di quel complesso processo espansionistico che portò Roma alla conquista dei territori dell’Ager Gallicus, partendo dall’analisi dettagliata della cultura materiale e dei rispettivi contesti di provenienza emersi dalle recenti indagini archeologiche realizzate dal Dipartimento di Storia Culture Civiltà dell’Università degli Studi di Bologna nella città di Senigallia. In armonia con quanto testimoniato dalle sequenze stratigrafiche documentate, si delineano quattro principali fasi di vita dell’abitato: la prima preromana, la seconda riferibile alla prima fase di romanizzazione del sito, la terza inerente allo sviluppo dell’insediamento con la fondazione della colonia romana e l’ultima riferibile all’età repubblicana. Emerge con chiarezza la presenza già dalla fine del IV-inizio III a.C., di un insediamento romano nel territorio della città, sviluppatosi con la fondazione di un’area sacra e la predisposizione di un’area produttiva. La scelta del sito di Sena Gallica fu strategica: un territorio idoneo allo sfruttamento agricolo e utile come testa di ponte per la conquista dei territori del Nord Italia. Inoltre, questo centro aveva già intrecciato rapporti commerciali con gli insediamenti costieri adriatici e mediterranei. La presenza di ceramica di produzione locale, il rinvenimento di elementi distanziatori e le caratteristiche geomorfologiche del sito, fanno ipotizzare la presenza in loco di un’officina ceramica. Ciò risulta di grande importanza dato che tutte le attestazioni ceramiche prodotte localmente e rinvenute nel territorio, fino ad oggi sono attribuite alle officine di Aesis e Ariminum. Dunque Sena Gallica sarebbe stata un centro commerciale e produttivo. La precoce presenza di ceramica a Vernice Nera di tipo romano-laziale prodotte localmente prima dell’istituzione ufficiale della colonia, che permette di ipotizzare uno stanziamento di piccoli gruppi di Romani in territori appena conquistati ma non ancora colonizzati, attestata a Sena Gallica, trova riscontro anche in altri centri adriatici come Ariminum, Aesis, Pisaurum, Suasa e Cattolica.

Edilizia templare nell’Epiro "indigeno". Archeologia e architettura di un paesaggio sacro periferico

Il paesaggio sacro dell'Epiro al di fuori dei centri di fondazione coloniale si caratterizza per una grande uniformità, determinata dall'esclusiva adozione delle forme templari non periptere. La ricerca si concentra sugli aspetti propriamente architettonici (planimetrici, tecnico-costruttivi, decorativi e formali) e sulle articolazioni funzionali dell'edilizia di culto regionale, troppo spesso trascurati nella storia degli studi a vantaggio di altre dimensioni dello spazio santuariale come quella religiosa o politico-istituzionale.