The Making of a Shiite Bourgeoisie in Lebanon Political Mobilisation, Economic Resources and Formation of a Social Group

The thesis analyses the making of the Shiite middle- and upper/entrepreneurial-class in Lebanon from the 1960s till the present day. The trajectory explores the historical, political and social (internal and external) factors that brought a sub-proletariat to mobilise and become an entrepreneurial bourgeoisie in the span of less than three generations. This work proposes the main theoretical hypothesis to unpack and reveal the trajectory of a very recent social class that through education, diaspora, political and social mobilisation evolved in a few years into a very peculiar bourgeoisie: whereas Christian-Maronite middle class practically produced political formations and benefited from them and from Maronite’s state supremacy (National Pact, 1943) reinforcing the community’s status quo, Shiites built their own bourgeoisie from within, and mobilised their “cadres” (Boltanski) not just to benefit from their renovated presence at the state level, but to oppose to it. The general Social Movement Theory (SMT), as well as a vast amount of the literature on (middle) class formation are therefore largely contradicted, opening up new territories for discussion on how to build a bourgeoisie without the state’s support (Social Mobilisation Theory, Resource Mobilisation Theory) and if, eventually, the middle class always produces democratic movements (the emergence of a social group out of backwardness and isolation into near dominance of a political order). The middle/upper class described here is at once an economic class related to the control of multiple forms of capital, and produced by local, national, and transnational networks related to flows of services, money, and education, and a culturally constructed social location and identity structured by economic as well as other forms of capital in relation to other groups in Lebanon.

L’alternativa democratica: Umberto Zanotti Bianco, il sud Italia e il Mediterraneo tra grande guerra e fascismo.

L’impegno civile di Umberto Zanotti Bianco (1889-1963) intrecciandosi ai principali eventi storici della prima metà del Novecento ha concorso a fare del Mezzogiorno d’Italia un laboratorio per una concreta emancipazione delle fasce sociali più umili. In queste coordinate l’azione di Zanotti Bianco è emblematica: supera la visione conservatrice di un sud incapace di fare emergere saperi e capacità organizzative mirando invece attraverso chiari, determinati e moderni progetti di riforma a far crescere il lievito della consapevolezza e della capacità di governarsi. Si può legittimamente sostenere che la complessa azione di Zanotti Bianco, pur partendo dalle migliori e più avanzate forme del pensiero meridionalista di inizio secolo, nella pratica tende a superare anche queste collocando la questione del Mezzogiorno d’Italia non solo nello scenario nazionale, tipico della fondamentale e già innovativa riflessione intorno al sud sviluppatasi da Villari a Salvemini, ma proietta le problematiche del meridione all’interno di un quadro europeo con una spiccata vocazione mediterranea. In sostanza i piani dell’intervento sociale, studiati e messi a punto inizialmente in Calabria e nelle regioni economicamente depresse del nostro Mezzogiorno, per Zanotti Bianco sembrano essere da modello anche per le più complesse questioni sociali di altri popoli del bacino del Mediterraneo i quali (come le popolazioni dell’Italia meridionale in quegli anni) apparivano deficitarii di strumenti per lo sviluppo economico, sociale, politico: è questa la tesi qui proposta.

Conflict affected peoples’ access to education: IDP pupils in Georgia

This work seeks to understand what kind of impact educational policies have had on the secondary school students among internally displaced persons (IDPs) and their identity reconstruction in Georgia. The study offers a snapshot of the current situation based on desk study and interviews conducted among a sample of secondary school IDP pupils. In the final chapter, the findings will be reflected against the broader political context in Georgia and beyond. The study is interdisciplinary and its methodology is based on social identity theory. I shall compare two groups of IDPs who were displaced as a result of two separate conflicts. The IDPs displaced as a result of conflict in Abkhazia in 1992–1994 are named as old caseload IDPs. The second group of IDPs were displaced after a conflict in South Ossetia in 2008. Additionally, I shall touch upon the situation of the pupils among the returnees, a group of Georgian old caseload IDPs, who have spontaneously returned to de facto Abkhazia. According to the interviews, the secondary school student IDPs identify themselves strongly with the Georgian state, but their group identities are less prevailing. Particularly the old case load IDP students are fully integrated in local communities. Moreover, there seems not to be any tangible bond between the old and new caseload IDP students. The schools have neither tried nor managed to preserve IDP identities which would, for instance, make political mobilisation likely along these lines. Right to education is a human right enshrined in a number of international conventions to which the IDPs are also entitled. Access to education or its denial has a deep impact on individual and societal development. Furthermore, education has a major role in (re)constructing personal as well as national identity.

La marionnette et son drame. Les dramaturgies pour le théâtre de marionnettes contemporain en France et en Italie (1980-2020)

Le théâtre de marionnettes a connu, depuis la fin du XXe siècle, de profondes mutations, tant sur le plan esthétique que sur celui du dispositif dramaturgique. Si en France des expériences plurielles de collaboration entre écrivains et marionnettistes se sont développées, en Italie ont émergé des expérimentations dramatiques de la part des marionnettistes eux-mêmes, auteurs de textes aux qualités littéraires. Au fil des rencontres avec la scène marionnettique, la posture de l’auteur devient « fluide », allant de l’écrivain extérieur répondant à une commande, au dramaturge et au co-créateur des spectacles. Une attention accrue aux enjeux dramaturgiques a renforcé les relations des arts de la marionnette avec le théâtre d’acteurs. En vertu de cette osmose, certaines caractéristiques du régime contemporain de l’écriture pour la scène, comme la « rhapsodisation » des textes mise en évidence par Jean-Pierre Sarrazac et les traits « postdramatiques » décrits par Hans-Thies Lehmann, sont à l’œuvre dans les pièces pour marionnettes écrites depuis les années 1980. La comparaison des créations françaises (par Daniel Lemahieu et François Lazaro, Jean Cagnard et la Cie Arketal, Kossi Efoui et Théâtre Inutile, Dennis Cooper et Gisèle Vienne) et italiennes (par Guido Ceronetti, Giuliano Scabia, Gigio Brunello et Gyula Molnár, Marta Cuscunà, Fabiana Iacozzilli, entre autres) montre comment elles exploitent la marionnette afin d’agencer la parole aux images suscitées par l’objet. Bien que l’on puisse observer un plus grand élan innovateur en France, tandis que les relations avec les différentes traditions régionales restent ancrées en Italie, l’analyse de textes nous apprend que les motifs les plus récurrents sont communs aux deux territoires, en vertu des possibilités de figuration qu’offre la marionnette : la confrontation avec les problèmes actuels et les traumatismes de l’histoire, la plongée dans l’esprit humain, l’imagination de territoires post-anthropocentriques, la rencontre avec le trouble et la mort

Il ruolo del corpo nell'educazione alla cittadinanza globale: processi di mobilitazione

La tesi colloca il corpo vissuto al centro dei processi di mobilitazione della cittadinanza globale. Riporta le fasi e i risultati di una Grounded Theory che mira a indagare come si sviluppano e prendono forma i processi di attivazione. I dati sono stati raccolti attraverso interviste a giovani attivisti appartenenti a organizzazioni della società civile impegnate in questioni globali. Da questa analisi emerge un modello che descrive l'emergere dell'attivazione come conseguenza concomitante di diversi processi: l'appartenenza dei soggetti a gruppi eterogenei e le loro esperienze di contatto diretto con l'ingiustizia sociale, entrambi visti come scambi incarnati che consentono la costruzione di nuovi orizzonti di significato; insieme queste co-occorrenze si combinano con un’azione conseguente. L'azione rafforza quindi sia la costruzione del significato sia l'appartenenza al gruppo stesso. Infine, la teoria emergente viene approfondita attraverso la discussione di dati provenienti da alcuni contesti educativi formali (scuole). L'intera ricerca mira a esplorare la transizione dalle teorie dell'educazione globale alla partecipazione attiva, la sua ambizione e il suo possibile contributo vanno verso la valorizzazione dei processi educativi incarnati volti a promuovere la mobilitazione.

Essays in development and political economy

This thesis includes three papers studying diverse questions in development, economic history and political economy. The first two chapters, that fall under development and economic history, use novel forms of text data and analysis to answer the questions at hand. The first chapter studies the possible impact of a historically matrilineal and matrilocal caste group on present day outcomes of gender equality. It introduces a novel surname strategy using electoral data to deduce caste from the surnames of electors and overcomes the unavailability of caste data. It shows proof of persistence of caste in space. And finally, following a matching exercise it concludes that the effect of the matrilineal and matrilocal caste on present day gender outcomes might not be as strong as previously believed. The second paper studies how discriminatory fake news arises and spatially diffuses. It focuses on India at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic: on March 30, a Muslim convention (the Tablighi Jamaat) in New Delhi became publicly recognized as a COVID hotspot, and the next day, fake news on Muslims intentionally spreading the virus spiked. Using Twitter data, it finds, in cross-sectional and difference-in-difference settings, that discriminatory fake news became much more widespread after March 30 (1) in New Delhi, (2) in districts closer to New Delhi, and (3) in districts with higher social media interactions with New Delhi. Further, it shows that, after March 30, discriminatory fake news was more common in districts historically exposed to attacks by Muslim groups. The final paper is a political economy paper that studies the short term and long term effect of earlier eligibility on voting in the context of a large North Italian municipality setting with little institutional barriers to voting. It also studies the differing mobilisation of members in the same household by newly eligible voters.