18 resultados para DEA

em AMS Tesi di Dottorato - Alm@DL - Università di Bologna


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This study enters the world of migrants women daily involved in the work of caregiving to elderly people in Modena. The multidimensional analysis that characterizes this work brings together elements which are examined, simultaneously, as bounds and/or opportunities within the migratory experience of these women. The interviews collected will be analyzed in parallel and linked to the international debates on contemporary migrations: the meaning of transnational migrations, the role of the networks in guiding integration, the limits and strengths of multiculturalist theories, the concept of ‘superdiversity’, the link among entitlement, rights and access to citizenship. The present study place at the centre of its observation the “daily practices” that allow every migrant to negotiate its ‘power’, its ‘freedom’ and its ‘rights’, so as to recognize agency to these women in the creation of their strategies and social boundaries. Moreover, the study focuses on the ability and power of the State, and its institutions, to create categorizations among migrants based on their social and economic ‘usefulness’, which produce effects in the daily lives of these workers.

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The thesis deals with the heterogenous category of the “unaccompanied minors”, concentrating the scientific work on those who migrate from Romania to the Italian city of Bologna. Between different migratory routes that include Romanian minors, I chose to explore the ones linked with the underground and illegal contexts. In order to analyse the reasons and the morphology of their migratory career, I used the multisituated field research which allowed me to consider the social policies in both the Romanian and the Italian environment. The main debate on the situation of the “unaccompanied children” refers to the extent to which these minors leave their country of origin “accompanied” by different adult figures and it also involves the role played by these adults. The first chapter is dedicated to a brief theoretical and methodological introduction to the main arguments of the thesis such as Romanian migration to Italy, trafficking in human beings, transnationality of migrant’s migration and decentered cooperation as a means of contrasting illegal migration and trafficking. Each field of research is characterized by a specific methodological approach, but they are all linked by the anthropological perspective I adopted throughout the entire work. The Romanian context, analized from a diachronic and a synchronic perspective represents the object of the second chapter. Some aspects of the Regime policies and other characteristics of the Romanian poscomunist period of “transition” are useful frameworks that become a background of the migration flows outside the country. The third chapter focuses on the Romanian patterns of migration. The reconstruction of some past attitudes that Romanians adopted towards migration are relevant in order to reveal the continuity with the present migratory practices. A consistent part is dedicated to a concrete example based on a field research in Bologna on a group of Romanian roma migrating from the south of Romania. The contact with these persons opened a debate on the limits between legal and illegal migration practices among the Romanians. The conclusion is that minors’ migration to Italy follows the adult patterns and flows. The nucleus of the field researches is included in the fourth and the fifth chapter. Before presenting the settings and the itineraries of the field researches, some deconstructive reflections are made on the representations that common sense and social sciences create on concepts as “child”, “minor” and “childhood”. A first perspective on the Romanian migrant minors emerges from a research concentrated on a group of roma teenagers engaged in Bologna in activities like windscreen washing, pocket-picking, begging and street prostitution. The aim of the research was to gain access to their daily life, to observe their relationship with the adults who “accompany” them and the strategies they activate in order to take some material profit out of their migratory experience. A parallel field research focuses on the Romanian minors who are part of the roma group coming from the south of Romania. Most of them are reunited with their family in Bologna, but according to the Italian law, they are all living as illegal migrants. Others are only temporary sheltered by these families and they meanwhile dedicate to illegal survviving practices. An interesting point of my participant observation was to reveal the motivations that these minors give when asked about the refusal to start a legal career inside the local Centres dedicated to the “non accompanied minors”. Their autoreflexivity brings some light on the controversy regarding the adequacy of the local and national care system and the migratory projects the minors have. In this respect, a small part of the research is dedicated to the phenomena of minors’ street prostitution in Bologna, as a useful contribution to the fragmented vision researchers have on the “unaccompanied” or “separated” children. The last chapter focuses on a decentered cooperation project that emerged as an alternative response the local administration from Bologna had chosen for facing the presence of numerous migrants coming from the south of Romania. The group of Romanian roma who was also the object of my field research became the starting point for the cooperation proposals between the city of Bologna and the city of Craiova. Although there are three projects involving the two administrations, throughout a period of stage in the Romanian city of Craiova I chose to analyse, only the one dedicated to the “urgent measures” requested in order to contrast the illegal migration and the trafficking in minors. This final part of the thesis highlightens the possible contribution that such a project might bring to the study of a complex and in some parts contradictory phenomena as that of the “unaccompanied” migrant minors.

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The femicide in Ciudad Juárez is a story made of extreme violence against women for different reasons, by different actors, under different circumstances, and following different behavioural patterns. All within a gender discrimination frame based on the idea that women are inferior, interchangeable and disposable according to the patriarchal hierarchy still present in Mexico, but strongly reinforced by a sort of conspiracy of silence provoked either by the high impunity rate, the governmental incompetence to solve the crimes, or the general indifference of the population. It is the story of hundreds of kidnapped, raped, in many cases tortured, and murdered young women in the border between Mexico and the United States. The murders first came into light in 1993 and up to now young women continue to “disappear” without any hope of bringing the perpetrators to justice, stopping impunity, convicting the assassins, and bringing justice to the families of the deceased girls and women. The main questions about femicide in Ciudad Juárez seem to be: why were they brutally assassinated?, why most of the crimes have not been solved yet?, why and how is Ciudad Juárez different from other border cities with the same characteristics?, which powers are behind those crimes in a city that implies mainly women as its labor force, and which has the lowest unemployment rate in the whole country? But there are also many other questions dealing more with the context, the Juarences’ lifestyles, the eventual hidden powers behind the crimes, the possible murderers’ reasons, the response of the local civil society, or the international community actions to fight against femicide there, among many other things, that are still waiting for an answer and that this paper will ‘narrate’ in order to provide a holistic panorama for the readers. But above all there is the need to remember that every single woman or girl assassinated there had a name, an identity, a family, a story to be told time after time and as many times as necessary, in order to avoid accepting these crimes just as statistics, as cold numbers that might make us forget the human tragedy that has been flagellating the city since 1993. We must remember as well that their deaths express gender oppression, the inequality of the relations between what is male and what is female, a manifestation of domination, terror, social extermination, patriarchal hegemony, social class and impunity. The city is the perfect mirror where all the contradictions of globalization get reflected. It is there where all the globalization evils are present and survive by sucking their women’s blood. It is a city where some concepts such as gender, migration and power are closely related with a negative connotation.

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Our research takes place in the context of a discipline kwown as Communication for Development, sited inside the field of Communication for Social Change, characterized by the use of interpersonal ad mass communication theories and tools, applyied to international development cooperation. Our study aims at pointing out a change of paradigm in this field: our object is Public Administration’s communication, therefore, what we suggest is a shift from Communication for Development, to Development Communication. The object of our study, hence, becomes the discourse itself, in its double action of representation and construction of reality. In particular, we are interested in the discourse’s tribute to the creation of a collective immagination, wich is the perspective towards which we have oriented the analysis, through a structuralist semoitics-based methodology integrated with a socio-semiotic approach. Taking into consideartion the fact that in our contemporary society (that is to say a ‘Western’ and ‘First World’ society), the internet is a crucial public space for the mediation and the management of collective immagination, we chose the web sites of Public Bodies which are dedicated to International Cooperation has our analysis corpus. This, due to their symbolic and ideologic significance, as well as for the actual political responsibility we think these web sites should have. The result of our analysis allows us to suggest some discoursive strategies used in the web sites of Public Bodies. In these sites, there is a tendency to shift the discourses around international cooperation from the ideological axis - avoiding in so doing to explicit a political statement about the causes of injustices and un-balances which lead to the necessity of a support in development (i.e. avoiding to mention values such as social justice and democracy while acknowledging socio-economical institutions which contribute to foster underdevelopment on a global scale) -, to the ethical axis, hence referring to moral values concerning the private sphere (human solidarity and charity), which is delegated mainly to non governamental associations.

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The globalization process of the last twenty years has changed the world through international flows of people, policies and practices. International cooperation to development is a part of that process and brought International Organizations (IOs) and Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) from the West to the rest of the world. In my thesis I analyze the Italian NGOs that worked in Bosnia Herzegovina (BH) to understand which development projects they realized and how they faced the ethnic issue that characterized BH. I consider the relation shaped between Italian NGOs and Bosnian civil society as an object of ethnic interests. In BH, once part of former Yugoslavia, the transition from the communist regime to a democratic country has not been completed. BH’s social conditions are characterized by strong ethnic divisions. The legacy of the early 1990s crisis was a phenomenon of ethnic identities created before the war and that still endure today. The Dayton Peace Agreement signed in 1995 granted the peace and reinforced the inter-ethnic hate between the newly recognized three principal ethnicities: Serbs, Croats and Bosniak. Through the new constitution, the institutions were characterized by division at every level, from the top to the bottom of society. Besides it was the first constitution ever written and signed outside the own country; that was the root of the state of exception that characterized BH. Thus ethnic identities culture survived through the international political involvement. At the same time ethnic groups that dominated the political debate clashed with the international organization’s democratic purpose to build a multicultural and democratic state. Ethnic and also religious differences were the instruments for a national statement that might cause the transition and development projects failure. Fifteen years later social fragmentation was still present and it established an atmosphere of daily cultural violence. Civil society suffered this condition and attended to recreate the ethnic fragmentation in every day life. Some cities became physically divided and other cities don’t tolerated the minority presence. In rural areas, the division was more explicit, from village to village, without integration. In my speech, the anthropology for development – the derivative study from applied anthropology – constitutes the point of view that I used to understand how ethnic identities still influenced the development process in BH. I done ethnographic research about the Italian cooperation for development projects that were working there in 2007. The target of research were the Italian NGOs that created a relation with Bosnian civil society; they were almost twenty divided in four main field of competences: institutional building, education, agriculture and democratization. I assumed that NGOs work needed a deep study because the bottom of society is the place where people could really change their representation and behavior. Italian NGOs operated in BH with the aim of creating sustainable development. They found cultural barricade that both institutions and civil society erected when development projects have been applied. Ethnic and religious differences were stressed to maintain boundaries and fragmented power. Thus NGOs tried to negotiate development projects by social integration. I found that NGOs worked among ethnic groups by pursuing a new integration. They often gained success among people; civil society was ready to accept development projects and overcome differences. On the other hand NGOs have been limited by political level that sustained the ethnic talk and by their representation of Bosnian issue. Thus development policies have been impeded by ethnic issue and by cooperation practices established on a top down perspective. Paradoxically, since international community has approved the political ethnic division within DPA, then the willing of development followed by funding NGOs cooperation projects was not completely successful.

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Nella tesi sono rielaborati i dati etnografici, prodotti in Italia ed in Ghana, con una ricerca sul campo di oltre un anno. Attraverso la ricostruzione di un progetto di co-sviluppo che mobilita i migranti in quanto attori di sviluppo, ed in questo caso l’associazione ghanese di Modena per avviare alcune iniziative di sviluppo economico, umano e sostenibile nel paese d’origine, si sono indagate le forme concrete di transnazionalismo attivate da questo gruppo sociale. Nell’analisi, prettamente antropologica, si rivela come, nel progetto di co-sviluppo osservato, le identità etniche, le relazioni asimmetriche di genere ed i processi di negoziazione politica sono celati ed agiti dai diversi attori sociali coinvolti. Si sono inoltre osservate le forme di partecipazione politica in Italia ed in Ghana rivelando come il collettivo ghanese abbia avviato un processo di depoliticizzazione dello sviluppo nel contesto d’origine e, nonostante ciò, sia divenuto nel paese d’immigrazione un nuovo attore politico. Particolare attenzione è stata posta alle produzioni discorsive dello sviluppo e della diaspora, evidenziando come i collettivi migranti se ne riapproprino e le riformulino nelle pratiche quotidiane.

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Local worlds, global economies. For an ethnography of microcredit in Italy. The research main purpose is to provide an anthropological analysis of a microcredit project targeting migrant women in Venice, Italy. Microcredit is a globally widespread financial strategy. Muhammad Yunus’ Grameen Bank success in Bangladesh was pivotal in promoting microfinance as one of the most important poverty alleviation strategies in the Development Countries. Post Industrial Countries adopted microcredit to foster “non bankable” categories – notably immigrants, women and young people - financial inclusion. The history of the Venice project is reconstructed starting from the perspectives of its main characters (promoters, social workers, beneficiaries and local stakeholders). Their positioned representations are analyzed in order to understand how different actors reproduced or renegotiated some of the main rhetorics underpinning the hegemonic “microcredit discourse”. Specifically, keywords such as “sustainability”, “empowerment” and “trust” are critically deconstructed to see how they are meant and translated into practice by different actors. Fieldwork data allows some considerations on the Italian way to microfinance.

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Questa tesi di carattere antropologico in ambito dottorale riguarda i rituali comunitari nelle comunità indigene messicane. Il principale oggetto della ricerca è il rituale della pioggia o di Petición de Lluvia, caratterizzato sia dal sacrificio animale che da una specifica relazione di causa-effetto con l’ambiente circostante. La ricerca etnografica è cominciata dall’ipotesi di voler verificare la persistenza nel tempo, e dunque nell’attualità, di procedure cerimoniali non appartenenti, almeno nella loro forma più lineare, alla religione cattolico-cristiana. Il luogo nel quale è avvenuta tale ricerca è la regione La Montaña di Guerrero, situata nel Messico sud-occidentale, e più precisamente la zona in cui vivono le comunità di etnia Nahua di San Pedro Petlacala, Acuilpa, e Xalpatláhuac che si trovano nelle vicinanze della cittadina di Tlapa de Comonfort. In un contesto ambientale profondamente rurale come quello della Montaña di Guerrero, la persistenza dei rituali evidenzia come le risorse naturali e gli agenti atmosferici - pioggia, vento, nubi - continuino a rappresentare gli elementi centrali che condizionano le variabili economiche di sussistenza e della riproduzione sociale. Il rituale di Petición de Lluvia rappresenta il momento di congiunzione tra la stagione secca e quella piovosa, tra la semina ed il raccolto del mais. Definito come una pratica religiosa nella quale il gruppo si identifica e partecipa con varie donazioni (ofrenda o deposito rituale), suddivisibili in alimenti/oggetti/preghiere ed azioni rituali, la cerimonia esprime l’auspicio di piogge abbondanti, con le quali irrigare i campi e continuare le attività umane. Il destinatario dell’offerta è la stessa divinità della pioggia, Tlaloc per le antiche civiltà mesoamericane, invocato sotto le mentite spoglie del santo patrono del 25 aprile, San Marcos. Il rituale è contraddistinto per tutta la sua durata dalla presenza del principale specialista religioso, sacerdote in lingua spagnola oppure «Tlahmáquetl» in lingua náhuatl.

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Questo studio propone un’esplorazione dei nessi tra fenomeno migratorio, dinamiche transnazionali e quadri familiari, in un contesto specificato che è quello peruviano. Dal confronto critico con i paradigmi disciplinari in uso negli ambiti dell’antropologia delle migrazioni, degli studi sul transnazionalismo e sulle famiglie transnazionali, e dell’etnografia multi-situata, si è tentata una lettura teorica e metodologica che renda conto del contesto socio-familiare di partenza non come parte periferica di una completa visione del migrante, ma quale oggetto specifico della ricerca. L’obbiettivo è verificare, a livello locale, quale siano gli impatti della migrazione esterna di uno o più membri sulle strutture e sulle dinamiche, sui codici e sui ruoli del nucleo parentale originario. E individuare, sul piano transnazionale, quali reti, quali rituali o pratiche di connessione funzionino tra coloro che vanno e coloro che restano, quali discorsi e quali culture migratorie si sviluppino e si condividano. La ricerca si è svolta in Perù tra il 2009 ed il 2011. Il campo dell’indagine si è diviso tra due località nell’area della Costa del Perù. Lima, la capitale, e Chiclín, un villaggio rurale nella regione settentrionale de La Libertad. Attraverso le tecniche d’inchiesta della pratica etnografica, una permanenza prolungata sul terreno e l’osservazione partecipante, si è lavorato con i membri adulti di ambo i sessi di tre gruppi parentali distribuiti tra i due luoghi menzionati, selezionati in partenza sulla base dei contatti forniti da alcuni dei loro familiari emigrati in Italia tra il 1990 ed il 2000. Centrare l’analisi sulle figure per certi aspetti marginali dell’esperienza della migrazione normalmente considerata, è servito da un lato a rovesciare parzialmente la prospettiva transnazionale aggiustandola proprio rispetto a quegli attori sociali; dall’altro e ad un tempo, ha permesso di fare luce su dinamiche migratorie più generali, di ricostruirle e di ri-teorizzarle.

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La ricerca in oggetto ha analizzato le relazioni tra migrazione e salute mentale nel Distretto di Pianura Est dell'AUSL di Bologna. Attraverso un dispositivo d’indagine multi-disciplinare basato sui quadri teorici dell'Antropologia Medica Critica, della Salute Pubblica e della Psichiatria, la ricerca si è inserita nell’ampio contesto di sperimentazione di un innovativo modello di assistenza per pazienti migranti, denominato Centro di Consultazione Socio- Culturale. L'architettura dello studio si rifà a un modello di Ricerca-Azione Partecipata e Multi-Situata fondato su un approccio analitico e auto-riflessivo, il quale ha consentito di problematizzare, oltre alle azioni e alle traiettorie dei vari soggetti che operano nel campo della ricerca, anche le categorie oggetto della ricerca stessa. L'analisi, profondamente radicata nel dato empirico, è stata condotta a partire dall'esperienza degli attori sociali coinvolti. Le esperienze, le informazioni e le rappresentazioni reciproche sono state co-costruite in forma partecipativa attraverso l'uso combinato di metodologie quali-quantitative proprie sia delle discipline sanitarie sia di quelle sociali. Come materiali della ricerca sono stati utilizzati: dati primari e secondari prodotti dalle istituzioni e dalle organizzazioni del territorio stesso; informazioni provenienti dall'osservazione partecipante; colloqui con informatori-chiave; interviste semi-strutturate con decisori politici, amministratori, organizzazioni del territorio, operatori dei servizi, cittadini e pazienti. La ricerca ha dimostrato la validità delle prospettive teoriche utilizzate e delle strategie di lavoro proposte. Il modello di lavoro multi-disciplinare e multi-metodologico si è rivelato produttivo nell'indagare congiuntamente le prospettive degli attori coinvolti insieme alle loro traiettorie, alle reciproche interconnessioni e alle relazioni tra processi locali e globali. L’analisi auto-riflessiva ha consentito di analizzare le attività del Centro di Consultazione evidenziandone vantaggi e limiti. Infine, la collaborazione tra Salute Pubblica e Antropologia Medica Critica ha dimostrato una grande potenzialità e produttività sia sul versante della ricerca scientifica sia su quello dell'assistenza sanitaria.

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La ricerca nasce da un lavoro di campo condotto nella provincia turca di Iğdır, un altopiano al confine con l'Armenia e il Nakhichevan, vicino alla Georgia e all'Iran, ma morfologicamente isolato dal resto della Turchia. Dopo due secoli alquanto turbolenti, la società locale è oggi caratterizzata dalla presenza di un’ampia componente turco-azera (sciita) e di un’altrettanto ampia componente turco-curda (sunnita shafiita). Inizialmente, la ricerca propone un’analisi diacronica di alcune rappresentazioni europee dell’altopiano, con particolare attenzione alle migrazioni (James Clifford, 1997, Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century), ai confini, ai limiti e alle frontiere, quest’ultime intese come orizzonti dell’immaginario (Vincent Crapanzano, 2003, Imaginative Horizons: An Essay in Literary-Philosophical Anthropology). Quindi, prendendo spunto dall’inserimento nella società di Iğdır di un insegnante originario della Turchia centrale, analizzo la pratica dello spazio pubblico come fenomenologia delle forme di appartenenza e di resistenza ai gruppi locali. In questa sezione, dopo un capitolo di disamina dell’etnia azera, lo studio affronta i modi di abitare il territorio, con una prospettiva che unisce il centro urbano di Iğdır e, attraverso una fitta rete stradale e sociale, il paese di Ortaköy — alla cui analisi dell'organizzazione sociale dello spazio, delle forme di appartenenza e di resistenza, dedico l’ultima riflessione.

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Il lavoro che presento propone un’analisi di una chiesa africana indipendente in Italia, la Celestial Church Of Christ Worldwide (CCCW), cercando di mettere in luce il nesso tra religione, migrazione e il processo di ‘plunting churches’ (Kooning 2009) nel contesto italiano. Attraverso una ricerca sul campo, sono stati indagati i percorsi personali, familiari e comunitari dei membri di una ‘Celestial Parish’ presente nel comune di Brescia, ‘Ileri Oluwa Parish’, al fine di comprendere la natura dei processi identitari coinvolti nell’organizzazione della CCC in Italia. ‘Ileri Oluwa Parish’, in quanto luogo che denota una ‘chiesa individuale collegata ad una Diocesi’ (CCC Constitution (CCC Constitution, 107 (d) si rivela, nella materialità delle sue forme e dei ‘Devotional Services’ che in essa si svolgono, a ‘field of action’ (Lefebvre, 1991). La storia della chiesa, i fondamenti della sua dottrina e i significati comunicati attraverso le forme rituali e religiose che la stessa promuove, sono stati contestualizzati alla luce delle tensioni e delle strategie di potere che strutturano il campo. Le storie dei membri della parrocchia, percorsi di migrazione e mobilità in itinere, rappresentano la lente attraverso cui si è guardato alle relazioni vissute nel nome dello ‘Spirito’, e alla percezione stessa di ciò che gli stessi Celestians definiscono sacro, santo, puro e impuro. Lo sguardo fisso alla vita ordinaria di una Celestial parish in Italia, esteso nell’ultima parte dell’elaborato alla Celestial parish londinese, è stato fondamentale per capire l’intreccio di relazioni spirituali, reti familiari e mobilità degli individui sul territorio italiano ed europeo, processo che ribalta la condizione diasporica della CCC, trasformando una condizione di dispersione in un valore aggiunto, nella possibilità di nuove traiettorie territoriali e spazi di presenza religiosa e socioeconomica.