21 resultados para social movement

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

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The present study is about the professional exercise of the Social Worker in ONGs associated with the ABONG in Natal city, state of Rio Grande do Norte, referring to the work conditions, claims and professional responses in front of the capital restructuration circumstances. The group of socio-historical transformations, as a result of the after-1970 dynamic capitalism, conducts a process of new configurations in the relationship between State and society that directly affect the social question nowadays, destroying social rights historically conquered for the workers. In this context, the ONGs assume a strategical social function of the social question, contributing with the change of responsibilities with the social from the State to the third sector. This social movement causes changes to the Social Work since this is one of the professions that act on the immediate expressions of the social question. After a qualitative research based on a theoricalmethodological critical and dialectical perspective, it was possible to discover some contradictions, details and tendencies of the professional exercise of the Social Worker in ONGs. Summarizing, the results of the research show that: a) it was detected a tendency of precarization, instability, insecurity, no-articulation, no-profissionalization of the professionals in the work conditions; b) demands are associated with a moment of the capital re-ordering, where new professional exigencies and responsibilities are related with capital necessities in the period of structural crisis; c) limits and contradictions are present in a professional daily work mainly in function of the characteristics of gestation and functioning of the ONGs; d) the professionals that were interviewed show significant difficulties in a articulation between the professional daily work in organizations and the totality of the social processes, limiting the capability of doing critics to the requisitions imposed by the capital

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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

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The dissertation evaluates about Rural Women s Productive Organization Program effectiveness of Western Rio Grande do Norte(2008-2012). Specifically, it has aimed to: 1) Describe about Rural Women s Productive Organization Program characteristics in Western Potiguar Region; 2) Investigate which social economic changes the program has caused in Rural Women s lives from Western Potiguar Region; 3) Evaluate whether women s participation in the feminist social movement has contributed in order to facilitate access to the program; 4) evaluate whether rural women s participation from western Potiguar region in POPMR has provoked some questions in relation to labor sexual division in policy all female users or whether it has amplified their capacities for their economical autonomy conquest. The evaluation has been as reference the development concept as freedom according to Amartya Sen (2000) and labor sex division sustained by separation and hierarchy activities performed by men and women according to Kergoat (2009). The qualitative character investigation was made up by a bibliographical and documental research, semi-structured interviews and focal group. The interviews with female mediator agents and female public managers have demonstrated the paths how to create the program by explaining the difficulties and possibilities. The research was concluded with focal groups that had accessed POPMR in western region. With the methodological instruments used, it was possible to achieve the results: The research data show that POPMR has contributed for the region development specifically by expanding rural women s capacities. However, there are still some difficulties which could be overcome with a state actualization, as policies for home labor and home labor care socialization. In this way, the infrastructure construction for production and reproduction must be based on a kind of legislation for a small production which are indispensable elements for a bigger effective policy for women in a rural environment

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The acquiring process of morals on a person is one of the most important aspects of his Social Identity. The basis for his ethics and moral choices are built when he interacts with the world. A child that interacts with participants of Movimento Sem Terra (MST) movement that fights for the Land Reform and the transformation of the society may have the opportunities to acquire the culture, morals and ethics of this movement. Based on this understanding, this work intends to comprehend how children think and incorporate the rules that are the base of the values and principles of MST, considering the diversity of the situations, the limits and the possibilities to experience these values in their everyday life in the Movement. To understand how the process of cognitive construction of the rules takes place in a child, it is important to consider the theories of Jean Piaget. According to him, morals development follows a sequence: the anomie (0 to 2 years old), marked by the absence of rules; the heteronomy (2 to 6/7 years old), where takes place the adoption of rules due to exterior obedience, such as a relative, an institution or a movement; and the autonomy (from 6/7 years old on), in which rules are considered legitimate. All the children in this research have relatives working at MST. The research has two parts. We have first observed the behavior of three groups of children (beyond six years old) while they were involved on their normal activities (kindergarten) activities. On the second moment, we have interviewed 20 children (between 3 and 10 years old). We used flashcards containing scenes; we also told stories and asked moral questions involving the character s behavior. We have noticed the unilateral respect and extern coercion are between the definers of the moral decisions of a child. The empathy and the reduction of the egocentrism help seeing the situation of the point of view of other, although it doesn t mean that one is going to accept others point of view. In the taking decision of the child other factors are also considered such as the space of socialization (family, school). Though the children don t work or take part at MST activities, they have already opinions about involved people behaviors. The interaction with relatives and teachers is one of the most important aspects to encourage them elaborate moral understandings according to the ethics of this movement

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This research comprises a study on the values and ideals attributed to Dix-sept Rosado, by the Coleção Mossoroense journal. Local researchers demonstrate how the Coleção Mossoroense constructs an image of Mossoró, forming in the members of the city an identity with the place, a social cohesion or creating one forms to see and to say about the Mossoró city. The Coleção Mossoroense, through Vingt-un Rosado together with its family, established a form of seeing and identifying of the Mossoró s population with the city, just because it associated and it was, at the same time, a movement at the same time social (civic parties for example), political (the domination of the Rosado s family) and cultural (the books and theatrical parties about the city). The conjunction of the Coleção Mossoroense as and with a social movement, cultural and political was capable to establish a social identity, a subjective constituent . With this background, it was possible to make a study of the image attributed to Dix-sept Rosado, by the Coleção Mossoroense, through an analysis of the inherent discourse in the works by Bakhtin (1989) and Bourdieu (2000), of and on Dix-sept Rosado in the Coleção Mossoroense based on. The image of Dix-sept Rosado was constructed by the Coleção Mossoroense after its death, and the responsible for this was Vingt-un Rosado, which was the chief-editor of the Coleção Mossoroense up to 2006, year of its death. The Coleção Mossoroense built an image of Dix-sept Rosado as an enterprising man, progressive and innovator, of great capacity of leadership and oratory (a conductor of the crowds ), popular and charismatic, an honest and dynamic politician. This image made by the Coleção Mossoroense, although when enhancing in surplus the qualities of Dix-sept Rosado have as objective to transmit an image of a heroic personage, it has some relation with the reality. Dix-sept Rosado was a man identified with its locality. This can resemble a regional nationalism. The attitudes of Dix-sept Rosado must be understood inside of a broader social context, of a time marked by the populist politics. Qualities also appreciated and developed inside of a specific historical context and determined both national and locally. The Coleção Mossoroense enhances the qualities of Dix-sept Rosado so that the current politicians of the Rosado s family can establish a link of continuity in its contemporary political practice

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This discourse analyzes the technical assistance concerning the rural settlement, which is seen as a demand of the social movement that claims for agrarian reformation, and is a goal of II PNRA, launched in may 2004, as a essential national public politics on process of building and consolidation of settlement and familiar agriculture, proposing the return of technical assistance service and rural extension in Brazil, which were started in the and of 1940 s. We analyze, in particular, the technical assistance program, social and environmental agrarian reformation, on model settlement, a program created, especially, to the rural settlements, coordinated by INCRA. Based on the documental analyze and local study, it is noticed that the experience of technical assistance implemented on model settlement shows the non continuation and fragility on technical assistance actions to rural workers. This context goes against the lately technical assistance governmental apparatus, which ensures to make settlements stronger, to support and to get important the familiar agriculture system. This way, technical assistance execution, trough the tertiary service, follows the neoliberal strategy and, the State, besides decreases the estimate to public politics, takes its actions control from the State to the shared control through partnership and transferring of responsibility, expressing its historic lack of attention to the worker class demands. In spite of workers resistance, expectative and hope, the lack of these services, as well as the other politics deficiencies, which are necessary to the settlements, are endangering its activities and threatening its survival in the settlement

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Among the deviant a heteronormative ideal, transvestites are the ones that suffer abuse and discrimination. Have been found that health services often present themselves as places that maintains and reproduce such discrimination, which makes transvestites only sought medical care in the latter case. Based on the guidelines of the SUS and the National Humanization Policy as well as the inclusion and leadership of the users, we conducted a qualitative study seeking to understand the experience of transvestites in seeking health care within primary care in Natal-RN. We use as techno-methodological instruments in depth interview and workshop with use of "scenes". For interpretative analysis of the narratives we use to Hermeneutics-Dialectic. From the dialogue with the narrative we come to the following themes: 1) Understanding the meaning of being a transvestite; 2) The experience transvestite in search of health; 3) Transvestites and humanized health care. In the first point they reveal the daily struggle of transvestites between prejudice and the search for respect, as well as the meanings of being a transvestite, who appeared as: Being gay, being feminine, not transsexual and accept themselves as they are. In the second axis, expressed difficulties in access to and use of health services: the embarrassment by not using the social name; fear of going out during the day; the association of transvestites to HIV; and pain caused by discrimination from health professionals. It was also possible to identify simple demands such as illnesses from day to day, the demand for hormone therapy, which involves treatment needs as well as the vital need to have their rights XVII respected. The third axis, for the range of a humanized care identified that the respectful gaze guarantee their dignity and their right to health in a humane way, but it identified some necessary changes: Training of professionals, dialogue with the social movement, publicity campaigns and rapprochement with the transvestite. Finally, it is expected that the research will contribute to the field of knowledge know-how in health care transvestites, inside and outside of the university

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This work has as objective to analyze the social movement called Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra and their relation to land reform from the idea of nation. In the decade of its emergence, 1980, Brazilian nationalism was deeply tied to aspirations for democracy and this consisted of a kind of political language of the period that included not only the MST, but also conservative sectors of Brazilian politics. The MST then develop a way to realize their different social function of the movements that preceded it as the Ligas Camponesas, incorporating the element of the nation as political capital to strengthen their practice. This relationship will be studied from a debate on contemporary Marxism and its key concepts.

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This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.

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This dissertation is the result of a research process that sought , from the speech of women in situations of violence , examine the difficulties these women to access the "network " of assistance to women victims of violence in the city of Natal/RN . Therefore , we made a critical analysis from the perspective of totality on the processual ontological " being a woman " and " be a man " , articulating the determinations of the subjective and objective dimensions in the lives of women at this juncture . Thus , also reflecting on the system of oppression of women through Capitalism / Patriarchate , articulated with other determinations of reality , as race / ethnicity , sexual orientation , generation and territoriality . Because of the oppression of women in all aspects of social life , the feminist movement led to the public domain claims against the oppressions of women and fight for Public Social Policies that aim to the particularities of women , among them, the social policies of coping violence against women . The speeches of the women interviewed show the contradictory aspect of work in women's lives . On the one hand , can become a means to financial independence ( with the possibility of exit from violent means). On the other , it can become "cause " of justification for the exercise of violence against women by their partners or former partners . Also show that despite legal advances , there is no effective implementation of policies aimed at women . This occurs as a result of capitalism / patriarchy and the context of neoliberal management of big capital . Thus , the feminist movement , as well as the social movement of the working class , must seek the empowerment of women through the struggle to end all forms of oppression , exploitation and domination among humans.

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The theme Corporate Social Responsibility is relatively recent both in the academic field and in the business practice. Because of the lack of socialization of experiences and precision of concepts, there are gaps regarding the understanding of the subject and, also, how to conduct operations. This study just seeks to investigate such matter, focusing applications of social responsibility in business. It takes, as empirical field, winners of the PSQT - SESI Prize of Quality at Work in Rio Grande do Norte (2002-2007) in order to systematize the various approaches on the issue, aiming to reveal subjective visions and perspectives of the theme. It is characterized as a qualitative study, carried out by structured interview. The universe was composed by 15 companies. It was used analysis of content categorical as an axis for the interpretation of the information. Three approaches guided the analysis: Business Ethics, (normative); Business & Society (contractual); Social Issues Management (strategic). The findings are related in three ways: 1) reasons for the CSR practice; 2) the results obtained; 3) the means of CSR. It was found that the award participation occurs, mostly, linked to SESI invitations, so, as an articulated movement of industrial corporations in Brazil it occurs, also, because of the organizational commitment with the society and the possibility of internal and social growths and because of the importance attributed to the report as an instrument of consultancy. There are no indicators to check impacts of organizational interventions, in spite of the existence of planning for the actions. Social responsibility appears as a tool to reinforce the organizational image and to increase satisfaction of the employees. There is a tendency of large and medium firms to a contractual commitment while the small and the micros firms are on strategic or normative level. The analysis of the perspectives of social responsibility future revealed trends towards for strategic approach

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This work has as its theme the social function of terrenos de marinha. Theresearch universe is the terrenos de marinha of Natal coastline, focusing on thefulfillment of its social function. Prescribed by law since the colonial period with thepurpose of protecting the coast and free movement of people and goods, theywere swathes of land not available to private use by individuals. With the transitionfrom the allotments system to the purchase and sale, regard to land access,crystallized with the creation of the Land Law in the nineteenth century, the land isheld as merchandise and terrenos de marinha, following this logic, also acquireexchange value and become capable of enjoyment by private individuals, with thecondition of tax payments to the state. This is seen until the twentieth century,when in 1988, primarily because of the Federal Constitution promulgation, begins anew cycle when is possible to use on terrenos de marinha the principle of thesocial function of property. From this perspective this study aims to identify thesocial function of terrenos de marinha in Natal, focusing on the public destinationand the use value of the city coastline. To this end, it was made a data collection inthe on-line information system of the Federal Heritage Department of Rio Grandedo Norte (SPU / RN) and in the terrenos de marinha areas, in order to find out ifthey had public or private use, or if they were empty lots, as well as if thepopulation access to the shore exist. Interviews with managers of the SPU weremade. The empirical study showed that the social function of terrenos de marinhain the city of Natal still didn´t happen, considering the constant existence of vacantlots in their areas, the lack of access in significant portions of the coastline and thereduced areas directed to common use along the coastline, minimizing its potentialof enjoyment by the population. It concludes by pointing to the existence of a newtransition phase on the terrenos de marinha, in witch, gradually, come up lawprovisions in the legal system and public policies to expand the purely taxcollection function attributed to this land for two centuries. In this direction, thesocial function of terrenos de marinha is embodied in concomitant adjustment ofthe tax collection function and the rescue of coastline use value, national heritageand a place for sociability and social relations development

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The birth models of care are discussed, in the light of classical and contemporary social science theoretical background, emphasizing the humanistic model. The double spiral of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences is detailed, being based, on one hand, on the translation of experiences of knowledge, and, on the other, on the translation of experiences of information and communication, by revealing the movement articulated by Brazilian women on blogs that defend and bring into light initiatives aiming to recover natural and humanized birth. A cartography of the thematic ideas in birth literature is produced, resulting in the elaboration of a synthetic map on obstetric models of care in contemporaneity, pointing out the consequences of the obstetric model that has become hegemonic in contemporary societies, and comparing that model to others that work more efficaciously to mothers and babies. A symbolic cartography of the activism for humanizing birth on the Brazilian blogosphere is configured by the elaboration of an analytical map synthetizing the main mottos defended by the movement: Normal humanized birth; Against obstetrical violence; and Planned home birth. The superposition of the obstetric models of care s map and the rebirth of birth s analytical map indicates it is necessary to reinforce three main measures in order to make a paradigmatic turn in contemporary birth models of care possible: pave the way for the humanistic care of assistance in normal birth, by defending and highlighting practices and professionals that act in compliance with evidence based medicine, respecting the physiology of birth; denaturalize obstetric violence, by showing how routine procedures and interventions can be means of aggression, jeopardizing the autonomy, the protagonism and the respect towards women; and motivate initiatives of planned home birth, the best place for the occurrence of holistic experiences of birth. It is concluded that Internet tools have allowed a pioneer mobilization in respecting women s reproductive rights in Brazil and that the potential of the crowd s biopower that resides on the blogosphere can turn blogs into a hegemonic alternative way to reach more democratic forms of social organization. In that condition of being virtually hegemonic in contesting the established power, these blogs can be understood, therefore, as potentially great contra-hegemonic channels for the rebirth of birth and for the reinvention of social emancipation, as their author s articulate and organize themselves to strive against the waste of experience, trying to create reciprocal intelligibility amongst different experiences of world

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This dissertation deals with the possibility of build an effective social control of the judiciary Brazilians. The theme was bounded by a cut geographic and secular: the experience of the Center of Justice and Citizenship in the state of Rio Grande do Norte (OJC/RN), which begins formally in august 2003. The research approach and leave of experience in judicial practice and policy specific substrates to theorize about the subject. We collected documents about cases, the judicial diagnoses, reports, news material, in addition to lifting bibliographic. Therefore, it is working with about notions of a democratic state of right in the light of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, in order to contextualize the insertion of the judicial system, by the prospect of legitimacy, which is considered by a look formal and material. It is a brief analysis of the system of official control of the judiciary (internal and external), is emphasizing its shortcomings functional and its corporate character, which suffers from poor conformation democratic. Then there is a discussion about the need to establish the social control of the judiciary, through the prism of relations of power that are locked in the judiciary, the lack of formal criteria for the guarantee of obtaining the correct judgment (laws, precedents and conscience of the judge), the problems of impunity and justice class, and from the examination of some cases, as the body of search. From this conjuncture, prepares to be an outline of shapes and the limits of social control, consonant the proposal erected in certain sectors of organized civil society, represented by the movement s social OJC. In the end, considerations are made on the legitimacy and constitutionality of OJC