11 resultados para pluralism

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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This paper adopts the assumption that religion continues to be a major highlight in the dimension of the contemporary world - characterized by pluralism, the ideas of tolerance and freedom. But for certain streams of Christianity, the postmodern culture seems to be characterized as a highly damaging to their doctrines and principles, since this religious matrix carries a truth claim that would support all its significance, its definition values and their dissemination effort ( evangelism ). This is not to say that Christianity is the only religion that claims to the truth, which would be a gross mistake. Now, religion has been reputed as a phenomenon doomed to disappear, according to the " ideology " of Modernity, given the idea that scientific development would lead us inevitably to the statement that religion was merely a social institution based in the superstition, in fantasy, the imaginary and therefore had nothing "real " unless its existence as an institution capable of aggregating society (give it cohesion), provide values and meaning to different ontological anxieties and doubts of humankind. In the contemporary scenario - seeded by modernity - as Christian ideas, doctrines and principles are in harmony or conflict with postmodernity? These are our starting questions and issues that we intend to stop and reflect. From the assumption that the religious phenomenon has great force in the present day, this research aims to perform central analysis of how religious education, a Protestant denomination specific, harmonizes or clashes with the ideology or ideas more general and emphatic that we can observe in the western world is presented to us from the diagnoses made by the contemporary authors who debate about postmodernism and postmodernity, notably David Harvey, Jean - François Lyotard, Bauman Zygmunt and Fredric Jameson

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The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons

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The present study aimed to understand how and to what extent the electronic forró, currently hegemonic in the music market in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, establishes and maintains relations of domination in the social contexts in which it is produced, transmitted and received. Based, in significant form-content, on the writings of the first generation of theorists of the so-called Frankfurt School (Critical Theory), particularly with Theodor W. Adorno, and systematically using the contributions of the Cultural Studies (from the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies of Birmingham) and of the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, this study aimed to perform, in the fertile intersection of these references, a critical possibility of interpretation of the electronic forró predominantly spread in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. To this end, aiming at a better apprehension of the so-called capital circuits/culture circuits , this study resulted from a qualitative investment of research, based on structured interviews with musicians, entrepreneurs of the sector and music consumers, as well as on the analysis of the themes contained in the official discography of the electronic forró band called Garota Safada (Shameless Girl). As a general empirical conclusion, it was possible to infer that far from the significant presence of domination or mere prevalence of oppositions, there is a relational pluralism of forms of domination and ways of resistances present in the production and consumption of electronic forró, regardless of gender, age, income, education or place of residence. However, the artifices of the cultural industry has been shown to be efficient: from large-scale businessmen to small producers enabled by the so-called open markets . The currentness of the concept of cultural industry is based on the idea that its products are offered systematically (the systematic insistence of everything to everyone) and on the notion that its production primarily meets the administrative criteria of control over the effects on the receiver (capacity of prescription of desires). Thus, the Adornian reflection on the pseudo-individualization leads to the inference that even in some of the most apparent ways of negotiation and/or refusal regarding the consumption of forró, certain behaviors of the cultural industry still prevail both in the very (re)interpretation of the forró and in the choice of other music genres also standardized, rationalized and massified. Therefore, despite the absence of cause-effect relation and the recognition of the popular capacity of re-elaboration and contestation of the media consumption, some world views prevailing in relation to the electronic forró establish or, at least, support some hegemonic ideologies, especially those concerning the life style, consumption and genre relations (fun by all means). Therefore, due the massification of certain songs, some ways of dissemination of values, beliefs and feelings are potentially experienced from the electronic forró. So, it is presumable that in the current advance of the process of semiformation (Halbbildung), the habitus of a part of the youth from the state of Rio Grande do Norte reinforces and is reinforced by the centrality of the trinomial fun, love and sex present in the songs, emphasized in some constructive practices of sense and in certain flows of social significance

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This work presents an analysis about the legitimation of independent regulatory commission`s rulemaking power by participation procedure. It is observed that political and administrative decentralization and fragmentation of State, with the purpose of approaching citizens and provide, more efficiently, the functions acquired by the passage of the Welfare State, leads to a deficit of legitimacy (democratic crisis), which is noticeable in the making of legal norms by directors of independent regulatory commission to regulate specific economic sector. However, we understand that this crisis stems from the observation of the contemporary world from dogmas and legal institutions of the eighteenth century, without their evolution and adaptation to the modern world. The legitimacy must be perceived as the justification of power, relation command /obedience, which, from the Modern State, has the democracy as standard. Therefore, just as the world has evolved and demanded political and administrative decentralization to accompany him, it is necessary to the development of the idea of representative democracy (formal legitimacy) to participatory democracy (legitimacy stuff). Legitimacy is not confused with the legality: as the legality is on observance to internal legal system, the "rules of play"; legitimacy, as inputs to be fed into this system, the selection of the different expectations in the environment. Nevertheless, the legitimacy will take place by legality, through introduction of rational and communicative procedures: procedures get fundamental importance because these will be the means to select the expectations to be introduced in the legal system in order to make decisions more fair, rational and qualified towards society. Thus, it is necessary to its opening to the environment for dialogue with the government. In this context, we try to make an analysis of constitutional norms based on systematic and teleological interpretation of these norms to build these arguments. According to the Constitution of 1988, participatory democracy is a result of the democratic principle (sole paragraph of art. 1 of the Constitution), and it is an expression of citizenship and political pluralism, both foundations of Republic (respectively Art. 1st, inc . V and II of the Constitution), as well as the national consciousness. From another point of view, that principle consists of an evolution in the management public affairs (principle of Republic). The right of interested participate in the rulemaking process derives both the principle of popular participation (part of the democratic principle) and the republican principle as the due process constitutional (art. 5, LIV and LV, CF/88) and the right to petition (Art . 5 °, inc. XXXIV, "a", CF/88), and it is the duty of the State not only be open to participation and encourage it. Ignoring stakeholder involvement in procedures and / or expressions compiled can be causes of invalidation of the rule of law produced by addiction of procedure, motive, motivation and/or because of the administrative act. Finally, we conclude that the involvement of stakeholders in the process of making rules within the independent regulatory commission is the legitimacy and the validity of rules; and that, despite of the expressions do not bind the decision making, they will enter the system as juridical fact, balancing the field of technical discretionary of agencies

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The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution

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The right to artistic expression, freedom granted in the western democratic constitutionalism, is a fundamental right that cyclically, compared to other cohesive rights of expression, has been forgotten and put in an irrelevant juridical-dogmatic position. The first reason for this behaviour that disesteems artistic freedom is the valorisation of rationalism and scientificism in the modern society, subordinating academic researches to utilitarianism, relegating the purpose of feelings and spirituality on men s elocution, therefore, we investigate, guided by philosophy, the attribution of art on human formation, due to its capacity in harmonising reason and emotion. After that, we affirm the fundamental right to artistic expression s autonomy in the 1988 valid constitutional order, after a comparative explanation of freedom in the Fundamental Laws of United States, Portugal, Spain and Germany; and the construction historic-constitutional of the same right in the Brazilian Constitutions. In this desiderate, the theoric mark chosen is the Liberal Theory of the fundamental rights, guiding the exam through jusfundamental dimensions: juridical-subjective and juridical-objective. Whilst the first, classical function of resistance, delimitates the protection area of the artistic expression right from its specific content, titularity and its constitutional and subconstitutional limits, the other one establishes it as cultural good of the Social Order, defining to the State its rendering duties of protection, formation and cultural promotion. We do not admit artistic communication, granted without legal reserve, to be transposed of restrictions that belong to other fundamental rights and, when its exercise collides with another fundamental right or juridical-constitutional good, the justification to a possible state intervention that tangentiates its protection area goes, necessarily, through the perquisition of the artist s animus, the used method, the many viable interpretations and, at last, the correct application of the proportionality criteria. The cultural public politics analysis, nevertheless, observes the pluralism principle of democratic substratum, developer of the cultural dialogue and opposed to patterns determined by the mass cultural industry. All powers are attached, on the scope of its typical attributions, to materialise public politics that have the cultural artistic good as its aim, due to the constant rule contained in §1, art. 5º of the Federal Constitution. However, the access and the incentive laws to culture must be constantly supervised by the constitutional parameter of fundamental right to equality

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In the norte-rio-grandense backwoods is possible to join to the power forms both political and economical ones, religious groups keeping under your control areas, people and flow of them, as well as settling new places of acts. That control refers to a field of power delimited by space, in other words, it refers to a territory marked and planned to reproductive intentions on the space. In relation to the religious pluralism, the Assembly of God church, in your territorial dynamics, has been standing out by the strategies of delimitation and space increase which by a constant territorial division process (1943-2010) managed to widen material and symbolic scale of its power for all cities of the Rio Grande do Norte backwoods. The Assembly of God church as the greatest Pentecostal denomination of Brazil was formed in the Rio Grande do Norte Seridó, following a ecclesiastical and governmental model divided into three ecclesiastical fields hosted in those following cities: Caicó, Currais Novos and Parelhas. Those headquarters interlink a limited number of churches through normative codes, which they express a functional dimension (bureaucratic) and in another symbolic one (charismatic) in an only field of territorial control. In this manner, the maintenance of the territorial power in the Assembly of God church is done by a charismatic-bureaucratic administration, expressed in the interdependent of material and abstract mechanisms. The believers permanent contact toward those mechanisms of institutional control revealed territorial identities which causes a feeling of property of the believer as much to the Pentecostal belief system as to community of the Assembly of God church. Considering new possibilities of articulation of the Rio Grande do Norte backwoods towards others territories more multiple, culturally, noticed cultural adjustments and revaluation at themselves. In relation to the territory of the Assembly of God church this one has exposed itself defensive faced with that cultural hybridization tendency, resisting a closer dialogue to new symbolic elements, mainly those came from the multifaceted neo-pentecostal movement. Unlike more open and flexible churches towards others significant systems, The Assembly of God church tries to reinforce the boundaries of its territory considering by the orthodoxy of its routine and customs

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This study aims to bring reflection on the legitimacy crisis of the Brazilian representative democracy, which results in non-attendance of fundamental rights, regarding legal and social facts in light of the existing constitutional order and seeking solutions in more democratic procedures and in a more humane, critical, democratic and collaborative education. It has been an issue for some time the understanding that the authorities do not meet the basic needs of Brazilian citizens - the only way to make them autonomous and sufficiently able to conduct their lives in a competitive and globalized labor market. Such situation only worsened - as illustrated by the social movements in mid-2013 - when people took to the streets, showing a noticeable dissatisfaction with public services in general, and some other groups presenting specific complaints in those events. To find solutions or at least suggestions for the reflection of the problem found, a current approach to public authorities was necessary attempting to reveal how the constitutional order authorizes their operation and how - in fact - they act. In this endeavour, the legitimacy of power was discussed, involving the analysis of its origin, to whom it belongs and the legitimacy of deficit situations, concluding that it is only justified as it gets more democratic influence, with greater participation of people in its deliberations and decisions, with its plurality and complexity. Research carried out by official institutions was necessary to have evidence of the low level of social development of the country and the nonattendance of minimum basic rights, as well as exposure to various acts and omissions which show that all public authorities do not legitimately represent the people's interests. The competence of the Supreme Court to establish the broader scope of the remuneration policy in the public service received proper attention, presenting itself as an effective means to promote the reduction of the remuneration and structural inequality in public service and contributing to better care of fundamental rights. Also, considerations were made about the Decree 8243/2014, which established the National Policy for Social Participation (NPSP) and the National System of Social Participation (NSSP) and took other measures with the suggestion of its expansion into the legislative and judiciary powers as a way to legitimize the Brazilian democracy, considering its current stage. In conclusion, it is presented the idea expressed by the most influential and modern pedagogical trends for the creation of a participatory, solidary, non-hierarchical and critical culture since the childhood stage. This idea focuses on the resolution of questions addressed to the common good, which considers the complexity and the existing pluralism in society with a view to constant knowledge update. Knowledge update is in turn dynamic and requires such action, instilling - for the future generations - the idea that the creation of a more participatory and collaborative democracy is needed to reduce social inequality as a way to legitimize and promote social welfare, with the implementation of a policy devoted to meet the minimum fundamental rights to ensure dignity to the population.

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Business tourism is one of tourist segments with different market characteristics in relation to others segmentations, such as low seasonality, there is no requirement of natural attractions, it serves as destination projection and it generates profitable larger numbers. Due to the context around business travels, the hotel so many times has a fundamental whole among the elements of the production chain in this segmentation. Business tourism in Teresina is the primary segmentation of the capital, since it represents almost 70% of hotel demand; hence this research has as objective to evaluate through the perceptions of business travelers, the level of quality services of hotels of Teresina. The research is exploratory and descriptive, of functionalist character. This study is characterized by qualitative and quantitative research, supported by a basis of methodological pluralism. For primary data collection was performed applying a suitable research instrument of SERVPERF model (Service Performance). The universe of this study were Teresina's accommodations, restricted to only those that fit in hotel category and it was inside metropolitan area of Teresina. The study subjects were business travelers who were hosted in these hotels. For the analysis, it was considered certain factors: descriptive analysis, factor analysis, correlation matrix analysis of the variables; It was still compiling a graphic of lexicons obtained in the survey about respondent's the notion of quality of vision in the hotel service; Finally, qualitative analysis was based on the theories of marketing, targeting and quality of tourism services applied. The results show that the Teresina hotel service is on a regular average, especially for Reliability and Safety dimensions were highlighted. Whereas, the factor analysis showed the emergence of two factors to explain "Empathy" dimension, one of this is about the organization and the other one is about consumer. And by Lexicometria was possible to observe the importance to the customer of other variables such as: personal aspects, price and location for this tour segmentation.

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Suszko’s Thesis is a philosophical claim regarding the nature of many-valuedness. It was formulated by the Polish logician Roman Suszko during the middle 70s and states the existence of “only but two truth values”. The thesis is a reaction against the notion of many-valuedness conceived by Jan Łukasiewicz. Reputed as one of the modern founders of many-valued logics, Łukasiewicz considered a third undetermined value in addition to the traditional Fregean values of Truth and Falsehood. For Łukasiewicz, his third value could be seen as a step beyond the Aristotelian dichotomy of Being and non-Being. According to Suszko, Łukasiewicz’s ideas rested on a confusion between algebraic values (what sentences describe/denote) and logical values (truth and falsity). Thus, Łukasiewicz’s third undetermined value is no more than an algebraic value, a possible denotation for a sentence, but not a genuine logical value. Suszko’s Thesis is endorsed by a formal result baptized as Suszko’s Reduction, a theorem that states every Tarskian logic may be characterized by a two-valued semantics. The present study is intended as a thorough investigation of Suszko’s thesis and its implications. The first part is devoted to the historical roots of many-valuedness and introduce Suszko’s main motivations in formulating the double character of truth-values by drawing the distinction in between algebraic and logical values. The second part explores Suszko’s Reduction and presents the developments achieved from it; the properties of two-valued semantics in comparison to many-valued semantics are also explored and discussed. Last but not least, the third part investigates the notion of logical values in the context of non-Tarskian notions of entailment; the meaning of Suszko’s thesis within such frameworks is also discussed. Moreover, the philosophical foundations for non-Tarskian notions of entailment are explored in the light of recent debates concerning logical pluralism.

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This thesis aims to analyze the cross exhibition in sessions halls and audiences of the judiciary, considered the religious freedom and the limitations arising from the idea of State neutrality. It is known that the 1988 Constitution protects freedom of expression of thought, conscience and religion, in its various aspects, proclaiming, on the other hand, the neutrality of the state, to reinforce these same freedoms. Thus, the aim is to avoid confusion between state and religion, admitted, however, collaboration of public interest, in respect of attitude to the beliefs and individual choices of citizens. In modern societies, the dualism between the civil power and religion has to do with laicity and a broader phenomenon that took the name of secularism, meaning the loss of space of religion in societies or even decreased idea religious belonging. It is based on this finding that the work develops with reference to concepts such as civil society and rule of law relevant to an accurate understanding of the problem. The methodology consists of bibliographic and documentary research through books and thesis, in addition to the legislation and some precedents related to the topic in question, looking to investigate whether, even though the predominantly Catholic Brazilian people and recognized the strong influence that Christian values exercise on the public authorities, it is possible to sustain the symbolic differentiation state, a republic that is said secular and democratic and which has as one of the fundamental objectives to promote the good of all, without any form of discrimination. Starting from the idea that the presence in buildings and public institutions, symbols and Catholic imagery, like the crucifix, has some difficulty in reconciling the guarantee of religious freedom and the principle of laicity, the idea is to exactly propose a solution who can respect pluralism and diversity in a context where Catholicism remains a strong presence.