22 resultados para Protesto sindical

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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Ce travail a l objectif d analyser la question de la restructuration productive dans la Petrobrás/ RN et les implications possibles sur l action syndicale du Sindipetro/RN pendant la période 1995 2003. La restructuration productive dans la Petrobrás/RN commence dans la décennie 1990 quand l entreprise, au niveau national, décide d adhérer au Programa Brasileiro de Qualidade e Produtividade PBQP lancé par le gouvernement Collor comme motivation et priorité pour que les entreprises s adaptent à l ouverture de l économie brésilienne au marché extérieur. De ce fait, la Petrobrás/RN afin de se maintenir dans le marché compétitif et mondialisé , adopte des techniques administratives basées sur la philosophie de la qualité totate, met au point des inovations technologiques et organisationnelles, tout en altérant sa base technique et adopte, encore, la tertiairisation de quelques activités visant à la reduction des coûts. De telles mesures ont atteint de façon remarquable l action du Sindipetro/RN qui commence alors à agir selon la logique de la politique néo-libérale du gouvernement de conduite anti-syndicale. Face à ces faits le syndicat a rédéfini ses actions dans le but de trouver des manières de poursuivre les luttes syndicales dans cette conjoncture de difficultés dans les relations de travail. Celui-ci s engage donc à entamer les négociations comme stratégie afin de préserver les privilèges de la catégorie et d éviter la perte des droits acquis

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This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work

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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

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El estudo que ahora apresentamos habla a respecto ala transformaçión de la Asociación de maestros del Rio Grande del Norte (APRN en sindicato de los trabajadores en educación (SINTE) en el período de 1986 1990. Tratase basicamiente de las razones que llebaran historicamente la APRN la reorganizar sus luchas, su cultura política y el su movimiento reivindicatório; que impulsionaran la construción del próprio sindicato el único de la categoria, após el regime militar em el país especialmente en el gobierno Sarney, y en el ánbito estadual com la resistência la política econômica y la repreción policial del gobierno Geraldo Melo, la época. El estudo también apunta algunas caraterísticas marcantes del contexto histórico de la educación nacional, enfatizando la asención de la escuela nueva en el Brasil en las décadas de 1920 y 1930, inclusive delante del movimiento sindical, controlado por el gobierno Vargas que tênia uma praetica corporativista. Es importante decir que esas características estavan juntas del contexto local, en el rato en que se percebia la primer gestan del prof Anfilóquio Cámara, como el primer presidente de la APRN, al partir de la su fundación (1920), y que tênia um relacionamento bastante estrecho com el poder público estadual de caráter liberal. Habia una discución sobre la abertura política y la atuación política de las clases médias brasileñas ya em 1979, y al mismo tiempo analisabase el desencandeamiento del nuevo sindicalismo en el ABC Paulista, mientras uno movimiento sindical, autônomo y democrático que tênia el objetivo de juntar lãs luchas de los operários dentro y fuera de las fábricas reivindicando basicamiente: la redución de la jornada del trabajo, reajuste de sueldo y condición del trabajo, bien como lãs sus consecuencias para el movimiento de los educadores potigurares. Al hacer en septembre de 1989, el sindicato de los trabajadores en educación del Rio Grande del Norte se desvincula definitivamiente de uma estructura sindical vertical (tradicional), que la ex-APRN herdo al longo de su História del gobierno Vargas, siempre controlada pelo Estado y que en las décadas de 1980 y 1990 fue fortalecido por la CNTE (Confederación Nacional de los Trabajadores en la, educación), principalmente, a partir del Congreso Nacional de Unificación de los Trabajadores en la Educación, realizado en Aracaju/SE em el período de 25 a 28 de enero de 1990 en el sentido tambien de las sus principais reivindicaciones: escuela pública, gratuita y de cualidades en todos los pasos, verbas públicas solamiente para las escuelas públicas, reposición de los reajustes de sueldo, condición del trabajo, sueldo unificado nacional y la eradicación del analfabetismo

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This work aims to show that the protection of the employment relation is one of the determining factors to respect the principle of the human dignity. The goal is initially to show the devaluation of work from antiquity to the early twentieth century, when the constitutions began to standardize protective devices. This way, the consecration of the social labor rights in the Constitution of 1988 represents the culmination of the historical achievements. This work demonstrates that such rights can not be reduced or suppressed by political conveniences, once these rights are included in the list of immutable clauses. It is displayed that to achieve the fundamental right to work is not well advised to encourage the creation of jobs that maculates the worker s dignity. The outsourced work is, therefore, a classic example of the advancement of precarious forms of contemporary labor. It is inferred that the presence of various forms of harassment results in a degradation of working environment, bringing about dire consequences on professional and personal life of the worker. Thus, decent work must be the appropriate benchmark for the creation of new jobs. It is also shown that the flexibilization of the propaganda rights by certain pressure groups has as main goal to reduce or eliminate rights, based on fallacious data depicting an increase of competitiveness and jobs. In addition, the flexibility implies a growth of the precarization of the work - a reality felt by many workers subjected to such a situation due to the unemployment phenomenon whose origin is not in the protectionism of the norms. It is necessary to expand and structure the constitutionally legitimate institutions to monitor and curb the precarized work, as well as all practices that go against the dignity of the worker. It is also shown the loss of power of the sindicates in the last few years as a consequence of the pulverization workes and the capital attacks through the productive restructure whose outsourcings and privatizations are notorious examples

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The paper investigates the legal mechanisms used by the Legislature and the Executive to implement the constitutional principle of the teacher s minimum wage, which is proclaimed in the Constitution as a strategy of professional appreciation for this category. The text demonstrates that the legal mechanisms used to value the teacher were: the 1988 Constitution, the constitutional amendments to this Charter updated and modified the original text in relation to the matter, and finally, the Minimum Wage Law . Article nº 206 of 1988 s Federal Constitution established that basic education teachers, who work in public schools, would be entitled to a national minimum wage. Law nº 11.738/2008 ( Minimum Wage Law ) regulated the matter and made other determinations on the relationship between the State and the teachers such as the establishment of parameters for the distribution of the workload of teachers. Based on this law, since 2009 the minimum wage has been set annually by the Federal Government. However, state governments and municipalities throughout Brazil protested prescriptions contained in the Minimum Wage Law . In this context, some governors and mayors led the Supreme Court regarding the constitutionality of this law. The complainants considered that there was unconstitutional by the following: definition of the teacher s workday, which in the complainants point of view was competence of local governments; ensuring that teachers receive salaries tied to the minimum wage with retroactive effect; transformation of the minimum wage in basic salary, lack of sufficient budget in the states and municipalities to honor with the new values to be paid to teachers and, finally, determining workload for the teacher to perform other activities besides classroom activities. At the trial held at the STF the majority of Ministers rejected the claim and considered that the Minimum Wage Law , taken together, was constitutional. However, this decision did not alter the position of the managers or the interpretation of the ministers who agreed with the unconstitutionality of some aspects of the law. This means that one law can present differences in interpretation between ordinary people and among members of the Judiciary. The search showed the following conclusions: the law is not a definitive parameter of justice, because it is deeply linked to various interests; the development, implementation, and judgment of laws dealing with minimum wage of teaching are linked to historical and cultural aspects of society; the demand for enhancement of teacher and setting a minimum wage has only emerged in the late twentieth century, a fact explained in this work based on data that indicate the recent concern of Brazilian State with schooling a phenomenon typically Republican and with the professionalization of teaching emerging concern from the knowledge society; the Legislative and Executive search mechanism to implement the minimum wage of the teachers because of the contemporary need for professionalization of teaching

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This Dissertation examines outsourcing in Bank of Brazil SA, the state of Paraiba. The central research question is to what extent this flexibility of labor relations incorporates items claimed by ´recent´ Decent Work Agenda of the International Labour Organization (OIT) or, on the contrary, the ´epidemic´ of outsourcing makes it even more challenging the world of work in the third millennium. The research hypothesis is that the Bank of Brazil has a growing subcontracting / outsourcing of labor (companies and individuals) and that not only contributes to the deterioration of working conditions, but also opposes the Work Agenda decent. Aiming to prove or disprove the hypothesis, the study includes a survey and secondary field. The literature review focuses on the trend towards casualization of labor in capitalism, and yet, in an effort to systematize data and analysis on ´outsourcing´ from the viewpoint of different actors. This theoretical framework is anchored in important classical sources and present that address the topic in the world and in Brazil. The field research was conducted with the actors related to the theme of ´outsourcing´ the Bank of Brazil - Paraiba, precisely branch managers, permanent employees of the bank, union representatives (bank workers), union bank and outsourced. The results confirm, in part, the study hypothesis, by demonstrating that there are several meanings and forms of precariousness that the contractors surveyed are submitted, highlighting the issue of salaries, the work environment, union representation and health worker. All these themes, each for himself, are contemplated by the Decent Work Agenda of the ILO and show, according to field research, rather fragile

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Under the aegis of the third diocese bishop of Caicó, Dom Manuel Tavares de Araújo, the Broadcasting Station of Rural Education of that city was founded, in May 1 s" 1963 with the ideal of being then an educational city, preferentially for youths and adults, rural meu and women of the arca of Seridó in Rio Grande do Norte state. In the year of its 40th birthday (2003), we began the investigation of that radio station choosing as study object its educational and formative programming, in the inc1usion of the first fifteen years of its existence (1963-1978), period that reaches the official inauguration of the Radio Station and the end of the bishopric of its fOllllder as Bishop of Caicó. Elucidating and showing Man's formative ideaIs longed by that Catholic educational broadcasting station, underlying to its radiophonic programming, such as the idealization for it reached, is the objective of this Doctorate work. It was considered pertinent to discover the guidelines that historically have permeated the Social Doçtrine of the Catholic Church addressing its aggiornamento, especially in what concerns to the employment of the modern ways of communication for the distance with the aim of evangelizing and educating. In arder to understand the ideaIs of the investigated educational Radio, we have delimited the research to the thematic Catholic Church, means of social communication and base education. In face of the study object and the aim to be reached it was appealed, methodologically, to the notion of cultural action present in Certeau (1995), and to the understanding of educational formation backgrounded fIam the modern thinkers that discuss it. Such frame references have allowed us to analyze in a wider spectrum tl)e programming broadcasted on the air by the sound wavys of that educ(itional Çatholic Radio, as well as, the very acts of cultural idealizations that has orientated it in its foundations. The thesis here defended is that. the Radio, at procJaiming itself as a broadcasting station of rural education directed preferably to the rural sertanejo countrymen, without neglecting its admitted ends, has surpassed them in its overall range. It was identified an articulate approach of its programmatic modules with the guid,elines emanateq from the Catholic Teaching about the use of the. means of social communication. At conceiving, establishin,g and executing an ec1ectic programmatic and div,ersified grating, the Rural Radio of Caicó has transcended to a strict human-Christian formation to request the development of the human, spiritual and cQrporaldimensions, jointly. With suchprogramming, it addressed to the seridoenses as real meu and women inserted in the "sertanej.o" environment with effective structural and existential problems of alI types, induding the hunger, the thirst, the syndical organization, the cQoperativism, the colIective modero work and the absence of universalizing school education. Its radiophonic transmissions, I}lled by the demands of an enlarged, open, dialogic and responsible communication, wheneIllbracing dedicated modules to religious and catechetical emissions, to the entertainment, to the radiojoumalism, to the country root culture, and to the school education of b se for the modality of the School and of the radiophonic classes, subsumed to ideaIs that longed for the formation of a multifaceted and pluridimensional sertanejo Man; of men and women that, without abjuring the Catholicism, were able to understand, to dialogued and to live together with the general demands of a society in progressive mutation, whose economical, social, cultural and educational demands it IDade themselves to be felt through the sertão potiguar of the Serido region, equal way of the intemationalized world

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This work examines the connection Syndicate/teachers profession trying to unveil the important role taken over by the Syndical movement in the process of professionalization of the militant teachers. For that, it describes and analyses the historical course of three Syndicates representatives of the teachers category Associação dos Professores Licenciados da Bahia APLB; Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Pernambuco SINTEPE; Sindicato dos Servidores Municipais de Petrolina SINDSEMP acting in the micro-region of the San Francisco Valley, especially, in the municipalities of Juazeiro Bahia , and of Petrolina Pernambuco. It concentrates its interests on the contribution of the Syndicates for the professional development of these teachers in this region analysing the aspects related to emerging conflicts into the Syndical organization, to the attitude of these entities before the educational reality to their reinvindicative struggles to the formative dimension of the group actions. This study tries to answer the following questions: How has this syndical movement of teachers of state school of S. Francisco Valley been characterized? How do their actions reflect in the formation and professionalization of the teachers? Do teachers recognize the syndicate as a constructive space for the teaching profession? The methodological trajectory was directed through a qualitative approach of an etnomethodological character, using instruments for the understanding of this reality, The treatment of the data was based on the interpretative analysis of the speeches present in documents and through answers of the interviwees, having as a reference in this analysis the theoretical studies about syndicalism and the teacher professionalization. For a conceptual construction of this work it was studied these two categories from their genesis, from the social historical evolution of their concepts and the up to date discussions that give explanations about the teachers syndical movement and about the process of teachers professionalization. As thesis of this study it was defended the idea of that the teachers syndicates have contributed expressively in the process of the construction of the teacher profession of the militant teachers of this in the micro-region of the S. Francisco Valley. Once the teachers participate actively in this movement promoted by the syndical entities, the teachers develop the critical sense of the educational realty; improve their formation and reinvindicate from the State this condition as a Right; fight for better conditions in the work; reinvindicate the salary valuation and, try to construct an image of teacher basing on a professional model. The contribution of the Syndicate in the process of teachers profissionalization, is more evident in its external dimension that chacterizes the profissionalism, on the related aspects: to the forms of participation in the definition and the management of the educational politics; to the political struggles for the achievements of the professional status, to the recognition and of his eventual valuation. The syndical actions have repercussions with less intensity in the inside dimension that defines the profissionality, in the related aspects: to the administratation of the pedagogical processes in schools and in the classroom; to the acquisition of branches of knowledges; to the epistemological criticism of the acquirements mobilized in the teaching; the curricular question to the mediation that make possible the learning at school and in the classroom

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This work examines the connection Syndicate/teachers profession trying to unveil the important role taken over by the Syndical movement in the process of professionalization of the militant teachers. For that, it describes and analyses the historical course of three Syndicates representatives of the teachers category Associação dos Professores Licenciados da Bahia APLB; Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Educação de Pernambuco SINTEPE; Sindicato dos Servidores Municipais de Petrolina SINDSEMP acting in the micro-region of the San Francisco Valley, especially, in the municipalities of Juazeiro Bahia , and of Petrolina Pernambuco. It concentrates its interests on the contribution of the Syndicates for the professional development of these teachers in this region analysing the aspects related to emerging conflicts into the Syndical organization, to the attitude of these entities before the educational reality to their reinvindicative struggles to the formative dimension of the group actions. This study tries to answer the following questions: How has this syndical movement of teachers of state school of S. Francisco Valley been characterized? How do their actions reflect in the formation and professionalization of the teachers? Do teachers recognize the syndicate as a constructive space for the teaching profession? The methodological trajectory was directed through a qualitative approach of an etnomethodological character, using instruments for the understanding of this reality, The treatment of the data was based on the interpretative analysis of the speeches present in documents and through answers of the interviwees, having as a reference in this analysis the theoretical studies about syndicalism and the teacher professionalization. For a conceptual construction of this work it was studied these two categories from their genesis, from the social historical evolution of their concepts and the up to date discussions that give explanations about the teachers syndical movement and about the process of teachers professionalization. As thesis of this study it was defended the idea of that the teachers syndicates have contributed expressively in the process of the construction of the teacher profession of the militant teachers of this in the micro-region of the S. Francisco Valley. Once the teachers participate actively in this movement promoted by the syndical entities, the teachers develop the critical sense of the educational realty; improve their formation and reinvindicate from the State this condition as a Right; fight for better conditions in the work; reinvindicate the salary valuation and, try to construct an image of teacher basing on a professional model. The contribution of the Syndicate in the process of teachers profissionalization, is more evident in its external dimension that chacterizes the profissionalism, on the related aspects: to the forms of participation in the definition and the management of the educational politics; to the political struggles for the achievements of the professional status, to the recognition and of his eventual valuation. The syndical actions have repercussions with less intensity in the inside dimension that defines the profissionality, in the related aspects: to the administratation of the pedagogical processes in schools and in the classroom; to the acquisition of branches of knowledges; to the epistemological criticism of the acquirements mobilized in the teaching; the curricular question to the mediation that make possible the learning at school and in the classroom

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This paper analyzes the policy of upgrading the teaching profession in relation to financing basic education, with a view to participation of the Union of Education Workers of Rio Grande do Norte - SINTE / RN and the state government in the implementation of Professional Base Salary the National Professional Teaching Public Basic Education - Law 11738/2008, the public state of Rio Grande do Norte. The participation of civil society, through the union movement presents itself as an important process of implementation of Professional Base Salary. The participation of SINTE / RN occurred since the fight to pass the plan, careers and Compensation (2006) until the implementation of the Base Salary (2009) highlighting the power relations established between the Union and State Government. To this end, there were actions such as public hearings and strikes by education professionals. In order to raise issues relevant to the issue of enhancement of teaching and participation of unions as a collective representation has been taken as a theoretical and methodological literature on the financing of basic education, enhancing teaching and participation as well as policy guidelines governing the career of teaching. Was used as a methodological procedure to document analysis and information gathering through semi-structured interviews. The results indicate the participation and the power relationship between the trade union movement and the state government in the implementation of the Base Salary. However, the current issues concerning the limitations of recovery of the teaching profession in order to implement the policy floor, not only merit of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, but the decisions that have been taken by the Supreme Court (STF) relating to the unconstitutionality of Action (ADI) filed by five governors. This fact greatly reduced the possibility of recovery of the teaching of the state, considering that the government was limited to decisions of the Supreme Court. Therefore, the enhancement of teaching remains a challenge for the union movement

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Information is one of the most valuable organization s assets, mainly on a global and highly competitive world. On this scenery there are two antagonists forces: on one side, organizations struggle for keeping protected its information, specially those considered as strategic, on the other side, the invaders, leaded by innumerous reasons - such as hobby, challenge or one single protest with the intention of capturing and corrupting the information of other organizations. This thesis presents the descriptive results of one research that had as its main objective to identify which variables influence the Executives´ and CIOs´ perceptions toward Information Security. In addition, the research also identified the profile of Rio Grande do Norte s organizations and its Executives/CIOs concerning Information Security, computed the level of agreement of the respondents according to NBR ISO/IEC 17799 (Information technology Code of practice for information security management) on its dimension Access Control. The research was based on a model, which took into account the following variables: origin of the organization s capital, sector of production, number of PCs networked, number of employees with rights to network, number of attacks suffered by the organizations, respondent´s positions, education level, literacy on Information Technology and specific training on network. In the goal´s point of view, the research was classified as exploratory and descriptive, and, in relation of the approach, quantitative. One questionnaire was applied on 33 Executives and CIOs of the 50 Rio Grande do Norte s organizations that collected the highest taxes of ICMS - Imposto sobre Circulação de Mercadorias on 2000. After the data collecting, cluster analysis and chi-square statistical tools were used for data analysis. The research made clear that the Executives and CIOs of Rio Grande do Norte s organizations have low level of agreement concerning the rules of the NBR ISO/IEC 17799. It also made evident that the Executives and CIOs have its perception toward Information Security influenced by the number of PCs networked and by the number of attacks suffered by the organizations

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Un conjunto de cambios viene siendo implantado en la Petrobrás procurando que sus unidades de negocios resulten más modernas y competitivas para atender las necesidades del mercado. Dentro de esta perspectiva, un nuevo régimen de trabajo, denominado turno fijo , ha sido implantado en dos activos de producción de la provincia de Rio Grande do Norte. Tal situación originó varios reclamos de los petroleros y, consecuentemente, el interés del SINDIPETRO-RN en obtener una evaluación más precisa de las consecuencias de los mismos. Este estudio, realizado a partir de la demanda sindical de esos trabajadores, ha tenido como objetivo central analizar los efectos del turno fijo sobre la salud mental de los operadores de producción, actualmente lotados en los referidos activos. El estudio ha sido realizado con 39 operadores que representan el 82,9% de la población objeto de este estudio. La muestra ha sido homogénea en cuanto al género, grado de instrucción, edad y tiempo de servicio en la compañía, lo que ha posibilitado un mayor control de las variables y un estudio comparativo entre los dos activos. Para el desarrollo del estudio, se han aplicado los siguientes instrumentos de colecta de datos: una escala de medida probada y validada (QSG-12), un cuestionario abierto, entrevistas individuales y una ficha socio-demográfica. Las respuestas del cuestionario abierto han sido categorizadas mediante la aplicación de análisis de contenido. Los resultados de ese tratamiento y las respuestas del QSG-12 han sido registradas en la forma de banco de datos del SPSS for Windows (Statical Package for social sciense for Windows) para luego procederse con el desarrolllo de los análisis estadísticos. Los principales resultados encontrados en el estudio han sido que la mitad de los participantes de la muestra han presentado resultados de deteriorización de la autoeficacia más elevado que 1,44 (un una escala de 0 a 3) y, en tensión emocional y depresión, el resultado es más elevado que 1,67; la mayoría se da cuenta del aumento de carga de trabajo, revela acentuado sufrimiento con el distanciamiento de la familia, y 58,8% presenta enfermedades psicosomáticas crónicas. La percepción de los operadores sobre el turno fijo e el análisis de éste, conforme el modelo vitamínico de Warr, conducen a la conclusión de que el turno fijo es uno de los factores que está influyendo negativamente en la salud mental de esos trabajadores

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The provident rights were results of intense fights in between the capital and work, claiming the interventions of the state for the creation of an ample social protection system. In Brazil the law, Providence Social mark, dated 1923, from then on, the advances and extensions were many, of this diverse categories of politics. Mean while, in the 1990 s, the Brazilian government adopted the examples of other developed countries, the new pattern that hinted the realization of substantial changes on the states purpose, the reached rights and the proper organization of working classes. For the Social Providence, the principal loses turned out in 1998 and 2003; respectively in FHC governments and Lula, with the realization of two counter reforms that restricted the provident rights and motivated the privatization of public providence. In the scenery, the CUT, one of the representative organizations from working classes, founded in 1983, that has always itself with changed direction, from fighting to negotiating. This inflection determined the proposition of the center before the offers of the counter reforms, of Social Providence. The present work has the objective to analyze the social politic content of the fights from Brazilian union movement in the period of the conquests and disassembled rights and, to analyze the proposition, acting and offers from CUT in the counter reform period from Providence in the Government FHC and Lula. To perform this study beyond the essential bibliographical revision to found and deepen the subject, we use, the documental search through the internet pages, resolutions, informations and others publications from CUT. Using CUT in the governments worked in an elegant way, the FHC government against-reforms, showed itself through diverse actions, even though they didn t have homogeneous inside, contrary the neoliberalists politicians from this government, also the offers and precaution changers. While during the reign of Lula it shoved itself priority negociative and propositive

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior