8 resultados para Presidentes da República

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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The present research deals with the modernization process of the Cidade da Parahyba2, between 1850 and 1924, and its relation with the cotton economy, which represented the main source of wealth accumulation for both the private and the public sectors throughout the First Republic. This study on urban history was developed by focusing on the understanding of the city s spatial formation, and despite its emphasis on the economic aspects involved, other factors that also contribute to the development of the social life were not put aside. The modernization process of the Cidade da Parahyba was also analyzed during the period established for the study according to a chronological and thematic approach that established comparisons with the financial situation of the State, whenever this was necessary, with special attention to the contribution of the cotton economy to the State´s revenues. It was possible to detect a lack of financial help and loans from the federal and municipal administrations for finishing several public works already underway in the capital, since the federal funds allocated to the State of Parahyba do Norte were rather employed in emergency works against droughts and in agricultural development. One can then conclude that the financial resources required for the urban interventions were withdrawn from the State s treasury itself, resources that were collected mainly from activities such as cotton exportation and cotton trading. Another factor shows the interdependence between the urban remodeling and the cotton economy: during the years marked by great droughts or by hard plagues on the cotton plantations, cotton production decreased, as well as the State s finances. The first measures taken by the State s administrators were to halt all projects of urban remodeling in progress in the Cidade da Parahyba, which was, clearly, the most privileged city by the State s presidents during the period analyzed. 2 The city of João Pessoa was named Cidade da Parahyba, a designation that remained until September 1930, when it received its present-day name in order to pay homage to the president of the State, João Pessoa Cavalcanti de Albuquerque, murdered in the city of Recife in August of that same year. At that time, the State of Paraíba was known as Parahyba do Norte. Since this work is limited to a period of time comprised within the First Republic, the names employed respect the terms used in those days

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The research arose from the necessity of showing ways to be followed by the actors of the System Guaranteeing Rights of the Child and Adolescent (SGD), regarding the implementation of rights for young people, because the legislation in force in Brazil is currently considered a model around the world and, paradoxically, the fundamental rights of children and adolescents are not met, even with the constitutionally guaranteed priority. Thus, the study investigates the fundamentality rights for young people, enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic, as well as the ways of effectiveness of these rights through the actions of actors of the System Guaranteeing Rights, especially the judiciary. Focusing realized, studying theories of fundamental rights, especially Structuring a Theory of Law (Strukturiende Rechtslehre), Friedrich Müller, who emphasizes the need for analysis of social reality in the application of the rule of law. Study also the public budget and public policies concerning children and adolescents, with emphasis on preparation of budget laws and the process of discussion, deliberation, choice and implementation of public policies for children and teenagers. It then presents the typical functions of the members of System Guaranteeing Rights, as well as prepare a plan for optimum performance for each of the actors, with emphasis on analysis of the implementation of public policies at the municipal level. Finally, it analyzes the theory of separation of three powers, and discusses the positive and negative factors for judicial intervention, concluding that the Courts can consider the action activist, from finding the omission of the Executive and legislative branches, as regards the implementation of the rights of children and adolescents, as well as the rights of children and young people are not realized in most cases, due to the omission of actors of the System Guaranteeing Rights

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Crées par leDécret n° 7.566, le 23 septembre 1909, les 19 Escolas de Aprentizes Artífices (Écoles d Aprentis Artisans) stratégiquement situées dans les capitales des états brésiliens, répresentaient l une de plus importantes réalisations pour la formation de main-de-oeuvre qualifiée dans les premières décennies de XXème siècle. Alors, ce travail est constitué par une recherche historique ayant eu pour base les informations apportées par des documents divers (Lois, Décrets, Rapports et Messages Gouvernementales, Livres des Immatriculations) et des nouvelles publiées dans le journal A República, disponibles à l Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Rio Grande do Norte IHG-RN, à l Arquivo Público do Estado et au Centro Federal de Educação Tecnológica do Rio Grande do Norte (CEFET RN). On montre la configuration que l expérience de l École d Aprentis Artisans a constituée au Rio Grande do Norte à partir de 1909, crée avec le niveau élémentaire jusqu au 1942, quand la Lei Orgânica do Ensino Industrial a changé cet enseignement en le modifiant pour le niveau secondaire. Dans l état du Rio Grande do Norte(RN), ce genre d école a été crée au 3 janvier de 1910. La finalité était la formation des ouvriers et contremaîtres par l enseignement pratique et technique nécessaires aux mineurs qui puissent apprendre un métier. L école du RN a contribuée pour la consolidation du projet politique-idéologique de la construction de la nationalité brésilienne, par des pratiques des contenu patriotique et civique-militaire, en détachant l insertion du scoutisme scolaire comme expression de la militarisation des pratiques éducatives pour le contrôle des corps. Malgré l enseignement professionnel avoir été utilisé pour l imposition des modèles culturelles sous-jacents aux rapports de production capitaliste qui étaient exigés des travailleurs, la Escola de Aprendizes Artífices de Natal a répondue à la demande locale, ce qui renforce l idée que sa création dans ce moment historique a attendu surtout le but politique-idéologique plutôt que celui du développement économique et éducationnel de la population norte-riograndense

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Our research aims to analyze some institutions of primary education in so-called First Republic in Natal/RN, when they were considered high standard institutions on training, dissemination and creation of national identity and republican traditions. Thus, we investigated to try to understand the creation of the new man and the invention of new traditions to confirm the status of republican modernity in two schools in Natal, the Colegio Americano, a private one, and a standard model of school, Augusto Severo, which is a public one. As a basis we have the history of institutions to analyze, paying close attention to consider the use of imitation in cultural patrimony as well as the use of strategies to distinguish. The concept of ownership follows, for present purposes, their focus of study on observation of diverse and contrasting use of these cultural objects, texts, readings and ideas from research institutions. For analysis of the link which occurs within the school environment, in every period of its history, we used the concept of school culture as a set of rules and practices which define knowledge to teach and conduct the introject. A culture that incorporates the school to keep a set with other religious cultures, political and popular of its time and space. In this sense, the educational institutions which we studied while showing what kind of in this work by preparing cultures, codes, different practices, and specific individuals they have, they were in important locations to provide modern cultural appropriation as a strategy for educational innovation and a factor of rationality and efficiency which could be observed and controlled, so gradually the modern school education was organized to produce its own society. As a challenge of affirmation and incorporating diverse social experiences to produce the modern, civilized man of the Republican time, the school, as part of the social life, which is singular in its practices, not only the set of reforms, decrees, laws and projects, but also as expressions of concept about life and society in terms of material, symbolic and cultural symbols in the social context in modernization. We focused on these two schools, because inside the wide cultural and material status of the city, they were the first republic schools which had the goal of having men and woman together culturally , with a view to adapting them to the modern movement to make them civilized / educated / rational . On this view, we would emphasize that this statement needs a reinvention as a new way through what is made at the schools which production of new spaces, practices, rites and what represents school, making and expressing a new identity, modern, different of the old symbols of the Empire. For this, nothing better than the organization of schooling, emphasizing on educating the individual and his/her responsibilities with the order and progress. We need to understand the past as a result of conflicts, including strengths and limitations within the historical and social context, and the invention of tradition as a process of formalization and ritualization of acts which want to perpetuate, as a reference to a group identity. These are practices and social educative representations which support the understanding of pedagogical and educational ideas at this historical moment, making a new way of being and doing in the Republican universe

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The allegory of the divided line presents one structure that divides itself into four levels of reality. Two of them move in the world of appearances or opinion, and the others into the world of being or intelligibility: eikasia and pistis, and dianoia and noesis. The difficulty is the following: if there are four levels of reality each with their respective objects that are apprehended according to a type of knowledge involved, is there an interpretation of the justice according to each level? Accordingly, our intention, after presenting the types of knowledge in the allegory of the divided line, is to demonstrate how the justice is comprehended at each level of reality. We understand that Plato uses the characters to represent levels involving different types of knowledge. The characters are Cephalus, Polemarchus, Thrasymachus, Glaucon, Adimantus and Socrates, and the comprehension about what is the justice at each level follows what these characters understand justice to be

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This thesis endorses the interpretation that in Plato`s Republic the argument made by Thrasymachus in which justice is the convenience of the most powerful one is implicitly accepted by Socrates. Although Thrasymachus´ discussion does not show any similarity with the argument of Socrates, it proposes a sarcastic and ironic comment on political life. Socrates accepts this comment to develop a more refined notion of the category of the most powerful ones. While Thrasymachus assumes that the convenience of the most powerful ones includes the power to subordinate all and everything to their individual pleasures, Socrates admits that the most powerful ones are defined only by their characteristic of being able to hold power in perpetuity. In this context, the main theme of The Republic is that the harmony between the functional classes of the city is convenient for perpetual power. For preservation of harmony, the functional class of the most powerful considers the convenience of forsaking a possible monopoly on pleasure towards a redistribution that promotes harmony, which also makes it convenient for the other classes. Thus, we can explicitly say that the most powerful ones believe in a sense of justice as convenience for everyone, but implicitly believe only in the argument that justice is what is convenient for themselves. Since convenience is what promotes harmony between functional classes, it becomes convenient to Socrates to believe that the understanding justice that the most powerful ones have is not publicly disclosed. The notion that all the speculation of the dialogue between the characters cannot be true, but, at best, only plausible and convenient is also part of the central argument in The Republic. Socrates needs to modify the nature of the functional classes through a targeted program of sexual reproduction and a program of ideological indoctrination so that the proposal to promote harmony through the elements of the city, declaring that justice is in favor of the weakest becomes a more plausible and convenient speech. To make the new system more plausible, Socrates develops a metaphysics based on the mathematical notion of harmony, such metaphysics serving the official rhetoric of the political regime presented by Socrates

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This study s main goal is to analyze the way the limits between Ceará and Rio Grande do Norte states, the so called Grossos matter, has been associated to the norte-rio-grandense spacial and identity formation during the first republic period. Thus, a consistet number of sources: RN and CE old newspapers, as well as a república from Natal and Fortaleza and o mossoroense ; historical drafts from the historical and geographical institute associated and historical, gographical and anthropological institute of Ceará; the Ação Cível Originária de nº 6 from the supreme federal tribunal and many other cartographies. The documents haven t been hierarchized, neither accepted as proof effects, but understood as the base matter for this text composition by the deconstruction of the analyzed discusses. In order to do that the ablação or bricolagem method, without quotations marks or long quotations themselves, has been used. Along the three analyzed charpters: the two phases the litigious was found, since its beginning yet in the XVIII century until 1888 and its return within the republic proclamation, in the 1920 resolution; the development of the documental, historical and identity dispute between IHGA-CE and IHG-RN; and, at last, the political game existing between the Albuquerque Maranhão oligarchy , Manuel Pereira Reis and Rui Barbosa, explaining the intentions, silent and miths built along the time by these intellectual participations

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This paper has the imaginary names as a theme, from which we aim to analyze the imaginaries and invested interests that characterized the implementation and the legitimation of the First Republic in Rio Grande do Norte (1889 1930), making the process of registering names history in that place. For the construction of our object, we studied laws and provincial, state and municipal decrees; annual messages of governors; articles of the following newspapers O Povo, A República, Diário do Natal, O Seridoense, A Notícia and Jornal das Moças; the local cartography and historiography that talk about the study of names. The use of these resources, allied to the empiric method, was driven by a theoretic methodological contribution based on the history of the political imaginary, as discussed by Cornelius Castoriadis, René Rémond, Michel de Certeau and Maria Dick. For the understanding of the imaginaries that (de)limited the spaces of Rio Grande do Norte concerning its names during the First Republic, we bring moment back to the two last imperial decades moment of cleavage between Empire and Republic essential for the fomentation of the imaginary that embodied the organization of our study. From this period, we observe, through the names of some cities, how the northern space would be aligned to the imaginary dynamic of the new political system of the nation, and it had followed to a redirection process of the giving names action, according to the interests of the family organization Albuquerque Maranhão, revealed while determining the names of cities, towns, streets, schools, buildings, etc., in thankfulness to the memory of its members. In the sequence we verified how a new dynamic of giving names helped to understand the process of political transition from the Coast to the Sertão, and at the same time affirmed the power of the political and economical seridoense elite towards the government of the state in the two last decades of the First Republic