18 resultados para Política popular

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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The issue of public policy for the culture area has experienced a significant increase of interest of academic researchers. The research "Cultural Policy in infants: an evaluation of the home culture (2003/2010)" aimed to evaluate the effectiveness of cultural policy in Rio Grande do Norte in the period 2003/2010. When was the program created and deployed the houses of popular culture. Specifically, he sought: a) mapping the major elements of cultural policy in the RN during the chronological period mentioned b) hold up in more detail in the description of the implementation process of the houses of popular culture, c) investigate cultural actions implemented by the houses of popular culture and its effectiveness. The methodological process consisted of a review of the literature on culture, cultural policy, public policy and public policy evaluation for the construction of the theoretical-analytical, documentary research in public and private institutions related cultural production; interview with managers and cultural producers in visits field research conducted in seven major houses of popular culture, taken as a sample of the total d 29 outlets installed during the chronological period mentioned. The survey found that the program houses RN popular culture in general was effective in meeting its objectives, among which the decentralization of cultural inclusion in the artist market cultural production, the promotion of folk traditions in the region , respect and support for new artists, respect and support for popular memory

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This survey has to general objective to evaluate the Food Safety Policy implemented by Restaurantes Populares do Rio Grande do Norte. The survey is qualitative of type exploratory and descriptive. The universe of survey is all Units of Food and Nutrition (UAN) of the Restaurantes Populares do Rio Grande do Norte. To collects of data were used two instruments: interview and form. The interviews were intended to analyze the four axes of the Food Safety: access, food quality, production and marketing of food and organizational arrangement. The form was used to check the quality of nutrition and sanitary-hygienic food served. We used two types of forms: a spreadsheet with the weekly menu and the portions served to verify that the meals serve the nutritional needs proposed by the program; and the check-list of ANVISA to verify the sanitary-hygienic conditions in each unit. Through the survey data and analyses made observe that the access category have some problems such as lack of registration, lack of advertising of Restaurants and wastage of public resources, making policy that should be of included in a policy of exclusion. In the nutritional aspect there is neglect on the daily nutritional goal, because it is not accomplished nutritional analysis of menu offered, the nutritionists do not know what should be the nutritional value of meals served; in the hygienic-health aspect trough the problems identified is concludes that there is no guarantee of food quality hygienic-sanitary, committing the program as a Food Safety Program. About the production and marketing of food is observed some problems as: the goal of sale of meals is not achieved in full, the purchase of genres does not stimulate the local economy, nor generates jobs and income, and inefficient performance of the MEIOS's supervision. In the analysis of organizational arrangement is concluded that the partnerships are beneficial, despite some negative points, therefore, are these partnerships the problems of non-compliance, as both the MEIOS and Nutriti of important criteria established in the partnership. Therefore, it is understood that the Programa Restaurantes Populares in its original formulation is proposed to be a food safety policy, but has some problems that impossible to meet its goal, making it unprofitable like Food Safety Policy

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The organizations are characterized as dynamic spaces, they are being revisited and redefined, because they constitute structural human spaces and new vain outlines won expression. As it begins, of the non consensus in its conception, it is explicit the complexity degree that is identified in the plurality and diversity, brought by the people that compose them, characterizing it as accomplishment space, of happiness and also of conflict, of relationships of power and organizational limits and from birth and burial of faiths, values, norms, symbols, knowledge and rituals, therefore, deeply human. In that way, to know the administration of the organization is preponderant condition for the format of the human relationships to be delineated in its living. Like this the work makes an option in knowing the social administration, this work tries to know and analyze the values and beginnings of the social administration; revealling characteristics and specificities of the organizational performance of UNIPOP that contribute to the formation of the conception of Social Administration, it tends as source of the information the managers of the institution; to identify the formative values of UNIPOP that contribute to the youths' partner-political action in the community, tends for reference the current students of the organization and last to evaluate values structurates and supporting that interconnection between the organizational Administration, formation youth's program, participation and autonomy and attendance, starting from the existences gained by the exits, of that program. This way, the research will be qualitative, looking for understanding starting from their documents, the existence of those values

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This work basically achieve three goals. Critically investigate the liberal democratic regime and its historical reformulation, rejecting the popular power and popular self-organization, limiting the entry of normal citizen in decision-making, believing in the market as a mediating body in regulating of the different life spheres of social. Starting from the critical liberal democracy, it discussed the concept of popular participation in the democracy, searching new democratically horizons, where the masses could have the opportunity to make decisions about their own destiny. On the basis of theoretical discussion on participation, we discuss a concrete instrument of participation, the Participatory Budgeting, comparing two participatory experiences in North and South

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The dynamics of social fights in Santa Maria district, Aracaju, represents, in this study, the search process for understanding and analyzing the articulations of the social movements, their victories, and their ways of practicing politics, it proposes, therefore, a search for explanations and to reflect upon some issues such as: what are the dynamics of social fights and victories of the popular social movements is Santa Maria District? How do they work to solve their problems and to answer the demands along with the institutions that are responsible for the public policies in the district? With the answers to these and other questions, an analysis of the population‟s fights with the support of local social movements will be conducted. It will be done based on the historical-critical perspective of the social movements within the context of social live, through a qualitative approach based on semi=structured interviews applied to people who are close observers of the district‟s reality, and on the analysis of News contents that were published in two newspapers from Aracaju in previous years, especially from 2004 to 2008. In face of the material studied about the News from newspapers and the contents of magazines, it is evident that the local popular movements began as a new way of practicing politics that was characterized by a reproductive practice of the status quo. There is one perspective left for the population from Santa Maria District, that they demand the local leadership to take actions in face of their dynamic of fights

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The subject of public safety is part of the academic and popular discussions, due to several factors that act in society culminating in an increasing criminality. The importance of the evaluation of public policies in this context consists in a possible control tool, monitoring and necessary adjustments to the government to make the necessary changes. Given this reality, it is thought the research problem: how Mossoró (RN) city has implemented his public security policy? In general guideline of the research, we work with the following hypothesis: the own formulation of the National Policy of Public Safety there are elements that hinder the implementation of a public policy of municipal security in Mossoró. The objective of this research is to evaluate the existing security public policy in the city of Mossoró, by the elements that facilitate and/or hamper its implementation, through the actions of municipal government in the activities of the Mossoro Civil Guard (GCM). For this, a review of the implementation process was conducted, specifically its subprocesses of selection, training, and logistical or operational. Was used bibliographical research, documental primary and secondary, and field research, with conducting of interviews. It was found that with a staff of 197 guards, and with five years of creation, the actions developed by this institution refer to an early implementation of the municipal security policy. The guard has the basic pattern selection, part of function relocation and part of public tender. The formation occurs in an introductory way, however, not complete and specific, for the function performance. Its operability is limited by the number of existing effective and by the physical structure that has not matching the demand yet, which touches on the municipal budgetary reality of direct resource intended to safety. It was found the absence of a municipal plan of public security with principles, guidelines and goals that could direct the actions of the guard. It is concluded that despite of the implementation of the GCM Mossoró have not achieved, within the parameters of efficiency, efficacy and effectiveness have played their actions, projects and programs, it could trigger a process of opening for construction of a municipal security policy. As well as break with the paradigm of municipal actions just meant for surveillance of public property, interaction affirmative for the prevention of violence and crime

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The current dissertation has as its main object of study the malaise with politics phenomenon. To comprehend it, is carried out in this work a inquiry, in different stages of analysis, based in the empirical data raised by the research Os Processos Sociais de Recepção do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral , made by the Grupo de Estudos Mídia e Poder, of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, during the local elections of 2004 in the city of Natal. Based in the focus group technique, such research raised an ample set of information about the decoding process of the electoral television programs, made by six different groups of citizens from the popular classes. Beginning from the presuppose which such process is influenced by the representations about politics made by those subjects, we use that set of empirical information to inquiry not only the decoding, but that same representations which this process is based. In this way, we analyse, in one side, the globally contrary decoding which subjects made from a conforming code of opposition and, in the other, the structure of feeling which it s based, called structure of feeling of the malaise with politics. Such structure is compound by generating themes which expresses the contraposition about the institutionalized politics and, in the same time, a resignation about politics which fortifies the dominant groups hegemony. We support the thesis which this set of representations about politics is caused by the denial of rights frame which those subjects are immersed

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A democracia tem representado ao longo da História o mais perfeito mecanismo político de convivência social, encontrando na soberania popular seu fundamento e legitimidade. De berço grego, instituiu-se sob princípios que radicavam o poder político no povo, exercido diretamente na ágora ateniense. O iluminismo dos séculos XVII e XVIII reacendeu o ideal democrático, encontrando no positivismo sua base teórica. O poder passou a ser exercido por via de representantes eleitos periodicamente. O locus da atividade política era o parlamento, ambiente fechado e refratário à participação popular, cingida, à época, ao voto do cidadão nos períodos eleitorais. O distanciamento entre governantes e governados gerou déficit de legitimidade no modelo liberal clássico, levando o constitucionalismo do século XX a abandonar o rigor formal positivista, para adotar uma nova hermenêutica, de base axiológica e centrada na participação direta do povo nas instâncias do poder. A Constituição Federal de 1988 compendiou a democracia participativa em seu texto, declarando no parágrafo único, de seu artigo 1º, que todo o poder emana do povo. Consagrou como base da soberania popular o sufrágio universal, o voto direto, secreto e de igual valor, além do plebiscito, do referendo e da iniciativa popular de leis. Garantiu ainda a ação popular como ferramenta de cidadania. A participação popular foi restringida com o advento da Lei nº 9.907/98, que impôs bloqueios processuais para seu exercício, gerando déficit de legitimidade no sistema representativo brasileiro. O propósito desse trabalho é demonstrar a necessidade de se estabelecer um novo espaço público na ordem constitucional do Brasil, de textura aberta e dialógica e de perspectiva emancipatória, que customize a participação do povo nas instâncias do poder, a partir da desburocratização dos instrumentos de soberania popular já existentes e da adoção de outros institutos democráticos semidireto, notadamente a iniciativa popular de emenda à Constituição, a revogação de mandato eletivo e o veto popular

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The Participatory Democracy is disseminated throughout the Principle of Popular Sovereignty. Since it spurs the participation of the people in the exercise of political power, it emerges as a conciliatory alternative to the Representative Regime - one of questionable legitimacy in account of the distortion it causes on the will of the public. It does so specially vis-à-vis the legislative, where the law is created. It s known that our Constitution (arts. 1º e 14, CF/88) provides for the means through which the members of the public may take part in the political process of the country, for it consecrates the plebiscite, the referendum and the popular initiative, all of them incipiently regulated by the Lei nº 9.709/98. It s our task, thus, to inquire, through deductive reasoning as well as the legal exegeses, the enforceability of the Popular Initiative as a means of popular emancipation, given that it enables the citizens to conscientiously participate in the public sphere. It has also an educational ethos which builds the capacity of individual to act, and, therefore, through thoughtful choices, enhance the legal system. Furthermore, the Lei da Ficha Limpa (LC nº 135/2010) surely represents a milestone in the Brazilian political history, since it accrued from a new way of social interaction allowed by the usage of communication technology on the pursuit of political morality. As a matter of fact, this bill is a clear example of how a legal act was legitimately proposed through Public Initiative. Hence, it s beneficial to actually make use of the Public Initiative, under the influence of the New Constitutional Hermeneutics, with a view to supporting social claims and promoting a dialogical relationship with the State in order to help it in the decisionmaking process. Thereat, we can achieve important civic spaces through which the fundamental right to democracy shall be materialized, tearing apart the old paradigms of inequality and, thus, promoting social justice

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The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution

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This study focuses on a methodology of unchained action by Father Sabino Gentili in Mãe Luiza, suburb of Natal-RN, which has enhanced social participation in what Castells calls project identity. The perception of collective actions, focused on the development of subjects from the perspective of Alain Touraine occurs continuously in a popular neighborhood, whose history marked by conflict mainly related to the resistance in the remaining living space. It is argued that there was an appropriation of resistance identity, which was already present in the community of Mãe Luiza, in order to channel it to create a project identity, through an implicit methodology that has been identified as Pedagogy of Consensus, based on Paulo Freire s concepts of dialogue and participation. Therefore, by means of qualitative research, using tools such as semi-structured interviews and documented sources, we tried to describe the intent of the action of a social actor and the political and educational strategies that motivate the collective action aiming a social change, observing the elements present in this action that allowed the continuity of organizational and participating processes through the dynamics of Mãe Luiza s neighborhood

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The question of participation has been debated in Brazil since the 1980 decade in search a better way to take care of poulation s demand. More specificaly after the democratic open (1985) begins to be thought ways to make population participates of decisions related to alocation of public resources. The characteristic of participates actualy doesn t exist, population to be carried through is, at top, consulted, and the fact population participates stays restrict to some technics interests at the projects, mainly of public politics of local development. Observe that this implementation happens through a process and that has its limits (pass) that could be surpassed through strategies made to that. This dissertation shows results of a research about participative practices in city of Serrinha between 1997 and 2004, showing through a study of the case of Serrinha what was the process used to carry through these pratices in a moment and local considered model of this application. The analyses were developed through a model of research elaborated by the author based on large literature respects the ideal process to implant a participative public politics. The present research had a qualitative boarding, being explorative and descritive nature. The researcher (author of this dissertation) carried through all the research phases, including the transcriptions of interviews that were recorded with a digital voice recorder. Before the analysis of these data was verified that despite the public manager (former-mayor) had had a real interest in implant a process of local development in city, he was not able to forsee the correct process to do it. Two high faults were made. The first was the intention to have as tool a development plan, what locked up to make this plan was the booster of supossed participative pratice and no the ideal model that would be a plan generate by popular initiative. The second one was absence of a critical education project for the population that should be the fisrt step to carry through a politc like that

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Popular Health Education in its emancipatory dimension refers to individuals and groups to exchange knowledge and experiences, allowing them to associate health to the outcomes of their living conditions. Under this view, health workers and health users are subjects of the educative process. Thus, this study aims to identify the key clinical and socio sanitary attributes and promote educational activities with patients with Diabetes Mellitus (DM) in a Family Health Care Unit of the Western Sanitary District, in the city of Natal / RN. It is an action research which uses the references of the Theory of Liberating Education, which is based on a problem-solving pedagogy and that values dialogue in the process of understanding oneself and the world. Thirty-six diabetics, who are residents of the area covered by the health care unit, and thirty health workers participated in the survey. Each group had an average of twelve participants, and the meetings took place at the Unit´s hall, using conversation wheels, group dynamics, life narratives, experiences telling, movie exhibition and discussions, music, knowledge telling, desires, limitations, beliefs and values socially constructed. Data collection took place during the second half of two thousand and thirteen through Free Word Association Technique (FWAT), recordings of conversation wheels, participative observation, group dynamics, testimonies, questionnaires, life narratives and photographs. The empirical material was organized and subjected to three analyzes: thematic content (Bardin), textual statistics analysis by software IRAMUTEQ (Ratinaud), and photographic analysis (Edmund Feldman). The data analyses originated words, expressions, categories, themes and creative situations showing that popular health education is in process of construction, but still very incipient in primary care. The National Policy on Popular Health Education shows us the necessary ways for the transformation of health practices and the build of a more shared and solidary society. The meetings could be place to reverse that normative logic that has been happening over the years in primary care, but that by itself is not enough. It is possible to conclude that the use of active practices, increasing of listening and training on Popular Health Education will enable changes in the scenario where users and health workers deal with diabetes mellitus. Thus we see the popular health education is being timidly incorporated to the educational process of the subjects involved in this study, and far away from the principles of participation, organization of political work, increase opportunities for dialogue, respect, solidarity and tolerance among different actors involved in addressing the health problems that are fundamental to the improvement in building healthy practices of primary care

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To the extent that the expansion of cities is increasingly pushing and segregating the working class to outlying areas, devoid of services and infrastructure, the urban space is also important as a space in the class struggle, and in this direction, the this study aims to analyze the political organization of urban social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal-RN, nowadays, in their process of struggle for social rights, with emphasis on the right to the city. With this dimension, we appropriate the contributions of historical and dialectical materialism because we believe that this benchmark enables the understanding of the processes of collective organization and a critical perspective of totality, going beyond its immediate appearance. For production data conducted literature, documentary and field, through semi-structured interviews recorded with (the) mapped leaders of organizations in our survey, as well as advisory bodies to the movements studied. The results of the study allowed us to characterize the action of the political movements in urban Christmas struggle for recognition and guarantee of the right to the city and seize the advances and obstacles in the process of intervention of social movements and popular organizations existing in Natal, highlighting dilemmas and contradictions underlie the processes of organization and mobilization in the contemporary period. Thus, we conclude that the Natal territory, as in contemporary Brazil, the urban and political action movements that show the public scene and intertwine necessarily relate to historical trend that has been performing since the 1990s, when the country entered a period marked by a new bourgeois offensive

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The Environmental Education is a plural and diversified knowledge field, composed by a group of social agents of specific State, government and civil society sectors, with different world views and theoretical matrices that exercised and influenced its genealogy and constitutive dynamic. The Environmental Education – while specific knowledge field – has been produced, systematized and diffused in Brazil in the last decades by official State organisms, through public policies, as well as by social movements of popular education, and constitutes a large and historical movement about the environmental question, that was worldwide projected in the 1960 decade (the environmentalist movement). Concerning the creation of public policies and specific programs to the Environmental Education, in the scope of the governmental initiative, the approval of the National Policy of Environmental Education, by means of the Law n. 9.795/99 – together with its regulatory decree, the Decree nº 4.281 – represents the consolidation of a inclusion process of the environmental dimension in the educational field. These normative acts, beyond charging the public power with the incumbency to define public policies that incorporate the environmental dimension and to promote the Environmental Education in all education levels, also charge the educational institution with the duty of promoting this component in an integrated and articulated way with the educational programs that such institutions develop. In this context, it is aimed to identify and analyze under the light of the dialectical and historical materialism, the practices and concepts developed under the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), with regard to its institutional policy on Environmental Education, relating it to establishing the Pnea. The analysis by means specific legislation on the subject and institutional documents UFRN. The research showed that, in general, the National Environmental Education Policy has limits to its effectiveness given the absence of specific funding for this purpose and the little government involvement in that the Brazilian State assumes, by through effective policies, the material conditions of financing actions with respect to this field of education. The fragmented and disjointed way the analyzed actions are developed constitutes a limit to the challenge for the UFRN implement, consistently and objectively, an Environmental Education policy, which can be monitored and evaluated as an effective public policy, both landmarks major goal of own Pnea as the demands of development whose agenda a critical environmental perspective.