Práticas clientelistas e dádivas como estratégias de hegemonia política: uma análise sobre o campo da saúde em Mossoró-RN

The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario

Greve do voto: a política da antipolítica nas eleições municipais de 2004 em Fortaleza

This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

ELOY DE SOUZA: UMA INTERPRETAÇÃO SOBRE O NORDESTE E OS DILEMAS DAS SECAS

The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast

A "voz das ruas" e a rearticulação da ideologia conservadora

The aim of this paper is to analyze the street demonstrations occurred last June and July 2013, which appear as samples of the hegemonic fights in course in Brazil, during the so-called Big Wave of the social groups in conflict nowadays in the country. Among other questions, this study tries to explain how the varied stages of these fighting groups influenced their late ones. For that, it takes into consideration the bibliography available not only on these groups, but also on the social and political contemporary Brazil. That is why it evaluates political documents, as well as opinion pieces, news and others disseminated by the press or by political groups. Speeches made by political leaderships, as, for example, that one the President Dilma Roussef made on 21 July 2013, deserves close analysis. This also applies to contributions made by secondary data, poll institutions and IBGE’s socio-economic data. Categories and concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s political sociology are used here as theoretic bases. In fact, it favors the hypothesis that, during the dispute for the intellectual and moral command of demonstrations on July 2013, a certain middle-class conservative ideology emerged on scene. This group conquered the agreement of hegemonic mass media acting now as a political party, here designated as media party. These media resorted to platforms preexistent to the demonstration movements, especially their rejection to political organizations and programs in order to ascend as the demonstrations’ leaders along a certain period in which corruption appeared as the central theme of these efforts, while the government tried to get control of the situation. In view of the several forces and issues at stake, the present study contributes to the discussion about the current reality in Brazil and its perspectives, without losing sight of the centrality of the June Movements as political and ideological milestones

Entre a hegemonia e a polissemia: a Política de Educação e Desenvolvimento para o SUS no contexto do Brasil contemporâneo

The proposal of the Unified Health System Policy (SUS) has been considered one of the most democratic public policies in Brazil. In spite of this, its implementation in a context of social inequalities has demanded significant efforts. From a socio-constructionist perspective on social psychology, the study focused on the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS), launched by the Brazilian government in 2004, as an additional effort to improve practices and accomplish the effective implementation of the principles and guidelines of the Policy. Considering the process of permanent interdependencies between these propositions and the socio-political and cultural context, the study aimed to identify the discursive constructions articulated in the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS) and how they fit into the existing power relations of ongoing Brazilian socio-political context. Subject positionings and action orientation offered to different social actors by these discursive constructions and the kind of practices allowed were also explored, as well as the implementation of the proposal in Rio Grande do Norte state and how this process was perceived by the people involved. The information produced by documental analyses, participant observation and interviews was analyzed as proposed by Institutional Ethnography. It evidenced the inter-relations between the practices of different social actors, the conditions available for those practices and the interests and power relations involved. Discontinuities on public policies in Brazil and the tendency to prioritize institutional and personal interests, in detriment of collective processes of social transformation, were some of obstacles highlighted by participants. The hegemony of the medical model and the individualistic and curative intervention practices that the model elicits were also emphasized as one of the drawbacks of the ongoing system. Facing these challenges, reflexivity and dialogism appear as strategies for a transformative action, making possible the denaturalization of ongoing practices, as well as the values and tenets supporting them

Sobre uma cultura do mal-estar com a política

The current dissertation has as its main object of study the malaise with politics phenomenon. To comprehend it, is carried out in this work a inquiry, in different stages of analysis, based in the empirical data raised by the research Os Processos Sociais de Recepção do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral , made by the Grupo de Estudos Mídia e Poder, of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, during the local elections of 2004 in the city of Natal. Based in the focus group technique, such research raised an ample set of information about the decoding process of the electoral television programs, made by six different groups of citizens from the popular classes. Beginning from the presuppose which such process is influenced by the representations about politics made by those subjects, we use that set of empirical information to inquiry not only the decoding, but that same representations which this process is based. In this way, we analyse, in one side, the globally contrary decoding which subjects made from a conforming code of opposition and, in the other, the structure of feeling which it s based, called structure of feeling of the malaise with politics. Such structure is compound by generating themes which expresses the contraposition about the institutionalized politics and, in the same time, a resignation about politics which fortifies the dominant groups hegemony. We support the thesis which this set of representations about politics is caused by the denial of rights frame which those subjects are immersed

A educação profissional em debate: uma avaliação política da formação para o trabalho ofertada pelo SENAC/RN através do Programa Nacional de Acesso ao Ensino Técnico e Emprego

In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC’s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution’s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some “flexibility” on PRONATEC due to SENAC’s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it’s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.

A educação profissional em debate: uma avaliação política da formação para o trabalho ofertada pelo SENAC/RN através do Programa Nacional de Acesso ao Ensino Técnico e Emprego

In this study, we present a political evaluation of how SENAC/RN perceives PRONATEC, emphasizing all ideological principles, aims and theories that this institution reproduces and reinforces while playing this professional qualification program. We intended to reveal ideological aspects that inspire SENAC’s perception of PRONATEC, pointing the actual interests hidden by those aspects. Our starting question is: What ideologies, objectives and theories that are explicitly or implicitly reinforced by Senac in implementing PRONATEC? In the research, we consider the hypothesis that transferring the responsibility about PRONATEC from public to private institutions is something that impoverishes the professional formation process, once the program ends up subordinated to private institution’s ideological, political and economic interests. The methodological approach chosen was the single case study. As data source, we used broad literature survey, official files of PRONATEC and SENAC, official information about the program and personal interviews. At the end of the research, we present elements that show some “flexibility” on PRONATEC due to SENAC’s interests, offering a superficial professional formation, commonly dissociated from a propaedeutic education, focusing on the need of adaptation e consensus of works around a society project. In this regard, despite PRONATEC is payed by public resources, it’s been used by SENAC as a fortifier of this institution on professional education market, in an hegemonic and neoliberal construction of a model of society.