12 resultados para Brazilian capitalism

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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Study about the national politics on the professional education, under responsibility of the brazilian Work Department in 1990 years. Purposes to apprehend the results of the actions of the professional education in a basic level, offered by the National Plan of the worker qualification ( PLANFOR ), as well as the effects on the assisted exits, starting from the experience appreciated on the Plan of Qualification developed in the state of Maranhão between 1996 to 2000. It adopts a theoretical-methodological conception by an ontological nature, if being worth of categories as the one of totality and of mediation that together, makes possible the apprehension of a dialectical movement that happens among the analysis object, the professional education politics in a basic level, performed by PLANFOR and your context, the underdevelop and heterogeneous Brazilian capitalism and the consequent job market generalized precarious and informal, making possible that the reality investigated become to understood rationally. This paper uses the indirect documentation technique, instruments of the bibliographical research and documental research. This study is based on those that aren´t part of PLANFOR, qualified by professional education courses in basic level,they didn't get to be inserts at the formal job market, just occupying precarious occupations in the informal job market. Aims to presents and discusses the productive process and your restructuring globally in progress. It focuses at the impacts on the workers, the precariousness of the work that appears like a new phenomenon calls new informality. Talks about the particularity process of productive restructuring assumed in Brazil highlights, showing that the informality, was always a structural phenomenon in the country. Discusses about the professional qualification in the contemporary capitalism, specifying some of your theses. Shows in a historical view the process of appearance of the employment notions and competence, and the influence that it exercised on the reforms of the basic and professional education, as well as the implications of both in the politics of professional education in the country. Rescues the process of creation of PLANFOR, your official formulations and your organized bases, starting from the second half of the 1990 decade. Shows yet the continuos changes in the job market of Maranhão state, for after, starting from the reports expresses at the Plans of Qualification from the state, elaborated by the Group of Evaluation and Studies of the Poverty and the Politics addressed to the poverty from the Master degree Program in Public Politics, from the Federal University of Maranhão, analyzing the acting of PLANFOR in the State, your probable deficiencies, as results the changes verified in the conditions of occupation and the gains of the exits from the professional education courses in basic level

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This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.

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SOARES, Elvira Maria Mafaldo et al. Prevalence of the metabolic syndrome and its components in Brazilian women with polycystic ovary syndrome. Fertility and Sterility, v.89, n.3, p.649-655, mar. 2008

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GOMES, Z. B. ; LOURENÇO, André Luís Cabral de . Atuação do Estado como empregador de última Instância: uma proposta para eliminar o desemprego estrutural do Brasil. In: Encontro Nacional de Economia Política, 13. 2008, João Pessoa/PB. Anais... João Pessoa: ENEP, 2008.

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During sleep, humans experience the offline images and sensations that we call dreams, which are typically emotional and lacking in rational judgment of their bizarreness. However, during lucid dreaming (LD), subjects know that they are dreaming, and may control oneiric content. Dreaming and LD features have been studied in North Americans, Europeans and Asians, but not among Brazilians, the largest population in Latin America. Here we investigated dreams and LD characteristics in a Brazilian sample (n=3,427; median age=25 years) through an online survey. The subjects reported recalling dreams at least once a week (76%), and that dreams typically depicted actions (93%), known people (92%), sounds/voices (78%), and colored images (76%). The oneiric content was associated with plans for the upcoming days (37%), memories of the previous day (13%), or unrelated to the dreamer (30%). Nightmares usually depicted anxiety/fear (65%), being stalked (48%), or other unpleasant sensations(47%). These data corroborate Freudian notion of day residue in dreams, and suggest that dreams and nightmares are simulations of life situations that are related to our psychobiological integrity. Regarding LD, we observed that 77% of the subjects experienced LD at least once in life (44% up to 10 episodes ever), and for 48% LD subjectively lasted less than 1 min. LD frequency correlated weakly with dream recall frequency (r =0.20,p< 0.01), and LD control was rare (29%). LD occurrence was facilitated when subjects did not need to wake up early (38%), a situation that increases rapid eye movement sleep (REMS) duration, or when subjects were under stress (30%), which increases REMS transitions into waking. These results indicate that LD is relatively ubiquitous but rare, unstable, difficult to control, and facilitated by increases in REMS duration and transitions to wake state. Together with LD incidence in USA, Europe and Asia, our data from Latin America strengthen the notion that LD is a general phenomenon of the human species.

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This work aims at analyzing how Adam Smith, one of the founders of the liberal regime was seen by Roberto Campos, one of the patriarchs of Brazilian liberalism. In this sense, it will be shown how and why the legacy of Scotland was used to legitimize the new pattern of accumulation necessary to capitalism from the second half of the twentieth century on. So, it is the intention to make explicit that the changes in Campos discursive form are consistent with the requirements of capitalism in crisis and were fundamental in the creation of another common sense. To achieve these goals it will be assessed in what way the liberal rhetoric of the Brazilian, harmonized with foreign authors with the same vision, has become an important weapon to transform Smith into a myth in contrast to the political and economic criteria advocated by the same, but valuable to what Roberto Campos intended

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This dissertation analyses the Brazilian housing policy of today s, focusing on the programmes in the socalled Social Interest Housing Subsystem in order to discuss to what extent the government has been able to grant housing constitutional rights in the country. The discussion is about housing policy and the principles in the country s Constitution regarding the role of housing as a social right, a right that must be granted by the state. This refers to land rent theory to understand the relationship between capital and property and the reasons why, under capitalism, housing becomes a commodity in the market. Then, it discusses the national housing policy, which emphasizes land ownership through financing, that is, via market, a process that excludes all low income population. In the conclusion, it is clear that, although government programmes cover extensively at least potentially the national territory as well as social group, subsidized housing programmes cannot be implemented in the city due to land prices because subsidy is too low. In this way, the law that grants housing rights to all Brazilian citizens is violated

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In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

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The existence of inequalities among the Brazilian regions is an indeed fact along the country s history. Before this reality the constitutional legislator inserted into the Federal Constitution of 1988, as a purpose of the Federative Republic of Brazil, the reduction of regional inequalities. The development has also been included as a purpose from the State, because there is an straight relation with the reduction of regional inequalities. In both situations is searched the improvement of people s living conditions. . In pursuit of this achievement, the State must implement public policy, and, for this to happen, it needs the ingress of income inside of the public coffers and support of economic agents, therefore the importance of constitucionalization of the economic policy. The 1988 s Constitution adopted a rational capitalism regime consentaneous with current legal and social conceptions, that s why it enabled the State s intervention into economy to correct the so-called market failures or to make the established objectives fulfilled. About this last one, the intervention may happen by induction through the adoption of regulatory Standards of incentive or disincentive of economic activity. Among the possible inductive ways there are the tax assessments that aim to stimulate the economic agents behavior in view of finding that the development doesn t occur with the same intensity in all of the country s regions. Inside this context there are the Export Processing Zones (EPZs) which are special areas with different customs regime by the granting of benefits to the companies that are installed there. The EPZs have been used, by several countries, in order to develop certain regions, and economic indicators show that they promoted economic and social changes in the places where they are installed, especially because, by attracting companies, they provide job creation, industrialization and increased exports. In Brazil, they can contribute decisively to overcome major obstacles or decrease the attraction of economic agents and economic development of the country. In the case of an instrument known to be effective to achieve the goals established by the Constitution, it is duty of the Executive to push for the law that governs this customs regime is effectively applied. If the Executive doesn t fulfill this duty, incurs into unjustifiable omission, correction likely by the Judiciary, whose mission is to prevent acts or omissions contrary to constitutional order

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In the middle of modern social changes produced by globalization and capitalism, several markets have changed. States have left the direct coordination of these markets (chiefly public utility sector in the form of monopolies), introducing regulation in order to promote competition. These changes have affected natural gas industry by promoting competition as a key factor to the development and the increase of firms in this market. The regulatory reform of natural gas industry ocurred in EUA and Europe Union and it has produced its first results. In Brazilian context, Constitutional Amendment nbr. 09 and Federal Law nbr. 9.478/97 ( Petroleum Law ) opened the natural gas market to a broad range of private economic agents and they finished the monopoly over the industry before managed by Petrobras. The new regulatory framework of Brazilian natural gas industry has designed competition as a central element to the new form of managment of business and contractual relationships of this industry. Among the regulatory instruments, open access regulation in natural gas pipelines is directed to promote competition. The questions arised about its implementation in Brazilian context are studied in the present work, in which it is discussed the constitutional rules and principles are to be applied to the open access regulation within the theme of statal regulation of economy present in constitutional economic order

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This work was developed in the extent of the Post Graduation Program in Social Service of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte. It talks about the process of inclusion of the disabled people in the Job market in Mossoró-RN, bringing for the academic debate relevant thematic for the Brazilian society, for the profession of Social Service and similar areas and for the people with deficiency. It has the objective to apprehend the determiners that make possible the process of the disabled people's inclusion in the Job market in Mossoró, having as parameter the National Politics for the Integration of People Bearers of Deficiency. The critical theoretical perspective is backed in Marx's ideas for the understanding concerning the work, as well as in Pochamann, concerning the job market, regarding the exclusion/inclusion category is based in Martins, Yasbek and Sposati and on deficiency in the National Politics for the Integration of the Disabled People. The research is of qualitative nature and it took as subjects 26 (twenty-six) people, being 09 (nine) people with deficiency, inserted in the formal job and regulated market, and 17 (seventeen) managers of private companies and public institutions of the city of Mossoró-RN. For the collection of data we used techniques of nonsystemic observation, semi-structured interview and documental analysis. The results of the research mark that any modality of the human workforce used in the current context, they are functional to the capitalism and they move forward towards exploration, alienation and subordination of the work to the capital; the National Politics for the Integration of the People with Deficiency expresses and reproduces the contradictory dynamics of the class society, it reflects the neo liberal shades through the selectivity and of the articulation among the federated beings and organizations of the civil society for its operational system; there is a misproportion between the percentages of the quotas and the amount of people with deficiency inserted in the job market, just corresponding to a tiny numeric magnitude; the developed activities are of low social status and it is expressive the amount of workers that receives between one and two minimum wages. These data drive us to infer that the mentioned politics make possible, partly, the inclusion of the disabled people in the job market, though, such inclusion is executed in the selective or focused dimensions, marginal, precarious and unstable

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This dissertation aims to analyze the social direction in which the Student Movement in Social Work in Brazil (ENESSO) has gone through. This is done considering how the functioning of the National Executive, the Brazilian Social Work Student union has operated. The research analyzed their political position regarding the university as well as professional education in the period of 2003 to 2008. The study s theoretical and methodological object was obtained according to its structural, juncture, and time determinants. All of the mentioned elements considered the contemporary capital crisis and its implications towards the State and Society emphasizing specifically the changes that occurred in the University regarding professional education. For the purpose of data collection and production, a documental and field research was realized. Thus, interviews were done considering one manager of each management period of the ENESSO group in the time span of 2003 to 2008. Some subjects that represented the Brazilian Social Work Teaching and Research Association (ABEPSS) as well as were also interviewed. These subjects have had a relevant role in partnership with these entities and represented students in the contemporary scene. Results suggest that ENESSO has developed work that defends a project of a public, free and laic quality university. This entity also defends a project that considers the 1996 Curricular Guidelines. Currently, there is internal dispute in the social direction of the MESS, this is seen amongst political groups that diverge in opinions related to the analysis done by the Lula government regarding the political role that the National Student Union-UNE has taken in the counter-reform of higher education. This current juncture is seen as extremely individualist and it results as in unfavorable for the collective organization of the working class, especially regarding student movement. MESS has been going through a moment of profound instability and this dimension is being expressed by the absence of national coordinator for the 2008/2009 management period at ENESSO. Even though there are difficulties, it is possible to point out partnership of the entities that represent the national Social Work in Brazil. These partnerships are all related to a struggle and search for the development of a professional project that leads towards the sociability awareness that goes beyond capital.