12 resultados para Brasil. Congresso Nacional. Câmara dos Deputados. Comissão de Defesa do Consumidor, relatório, 2004
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
El estudo que ahora apresentamos habla a respecto ala transformaçión de la Asociación de maestros del Rio Grande del Norte (APRN en sindicato de los trabajadores en educación (SINTE) en el período de 1986 1990. Tratase basicamiente de las razones que llebaran historicamente la APRN la reorganizar sus luchas, su cultura política y el su movimiento reivindicatório; que impulsionaran la construción del próprio sindicato el único de la categoria, após el regime militar em el país especialmente en el gobierno Sarney, y en el ánbito estadual com la resistência la política econômica y la repreción policial del gobierno Geraldo Melo, la época. El estudo también apunta algunas caraterísticas marcantes del contexto histórico de la educación nacional, enfatizando la asención de la escuela nueva en el Brasil en las décadas de 1920 y 1930, inclusive delante del movimiento sindical, controlado por el gobierno Vargas que tênia uma praetica corporativista. Es importante decir que esas características estavan juntas del contexto local, en el rato en que se percebia la primer gestan del prof Anfilóquio Cámara, como el primer presidente de la APRN, al partir de la su fundación (1920), y que tênia um relacionamento bastante estrecho com el poder público estadual de caráter liberal. Habia una discución sobre la abertura política y la atuación política de las clases médias brasileñas ya em 1979, y al mismo tiempo analisabase el desencandeamiento del nuevo sindicalismo en el ABC Paulista, mientras uno movimiento sindical, autônomo y democrático que tênia el objetivo de juntar lãs luchas de los operários dentro y fuera de las fábricas reivindicando basicamiente: la redución de la jornada del trabajo, reajuste de sueldo y condición del trabajo, bien como lãs sus consecuencias para el movimiento de los educadores potigurares. Al hacer en septembre de 1989, el sindicato de los trabajadores en educación del Rio Grande del Norte se desvincula definitivamiente de uma estructura sindical vertical (tradicional), que la ex-APRN herdo al longo de su História del gobierno Vargas, siempre controlada pelo Estado y que en las décadas de 1980 y 1990 fue fortalecido por la CNTE (Confederación Nacional de los Trabajadores en la, educación), principalmente, a partir del Congreso Nacional de Unificación de los Trabajadores en la Educación, realizado en Aracaju/SE em el período de 25 a 28 de enero de 1990 en el sentido tambien de las sus principais reivindicaciones: escuela pública, gratuita y de cualidades en todos los pasos, verbas públicas solamiente para las escuelas públicas, reposición de los reajustes de sueldo, condición del trabajo, sueldo unificado nacional y la eradicación del analfabetismo
Resumo:
The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration
Resumo:
This thesis aims to analyze how the performance of the coalitions affected the formulation process of the Programa Universidade para Todos ─ Prouni. This is a program in which students from public high school, or who have been integral stock in private colleges and universities receive scholarships in private institutions, which receive tax incentives in federal taxes. As analytical framework, was used the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) framework developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1993) that conceives the process of formulation of policies as a result of competition between groups of actors called coalitions, which are involved or interested in an issue of public policy. The actors coalesce into coalitions from beliefs, values, technical postures and positions on operational matters of public policy and act coordinately to defend their interests, interfering in the formulation of policies. With regard to methodological aspects, it is a qualitative study that used a narrative structure to present the development of Brazilian higher education and Prouni, analyzing official documents, shorthand notes of public congressional hearings and interviews with servers who worked in Ministry of Education (Brazil) time of program formulation, legislative counsel of the brazilian congress, plus the former deputy rapporteur of the Bill 3.582 / 2004, which led to Prouni. Two coalitions were identified: statist, which stood contrary to the program, and privatized, which defended its formulation. The clashes, which occurred mainly in Congress, highlight the strategies to operationalize beliefs. The two coalitions heavily used technical information and mobilization, through militancy (mobilizate troops). However, privatizing coalition acted more strongly in this case and was able to turn their beliefs into more effective action strategies. The final configuration of the Prouni was beneficial for private institutions, and showed a change in public policies related to higher education, since government support through tax breaks, before granted only to non-profit IES, became extensive also the IES with lucrative purpose.
Resumo:
This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger
Resumo:
The creation of the National Council of Justice (CNJ) through the Constitutional Amendment nº 45/2004, derived from countless gaps in Brazilian law, mainly relating to procedural delays, ineffectiveness of judicial decisions, and the lack of mechanisms that enable, effectively, disciplinary accountability of judges. The council is constitutionally designed as a member of the Judiciary, which has administrative nature and laid assignments in art. 103-B, § 4 of the current Constitution, among which is to edit regulations to instrument its performance. However, since it came into force, the amendment raised extensive discussions, linked in particular to the constitutionality of the CNJ, which was made through the direct action of unconstitutionality nº 3367, against the alleged violation of the principles of separation of powers and federative form, as well as the limits of its regulatory powers, as has fanned out in ADI nº 3823/ DF, this one dealing on Resolution nº 07, which regulates the seal of nepotism practice in the judiciary. However, despite the Supreme Court has already pronounced on the matter, recognizing the constitutionality of the council, as well as the resolution already said, the debate is in a state of latency, and may erupt again with each new manifestation of regulatory CNJ, given the lack of agreement between doctrine and jurisprudence around the constitutional treatment of its regulatory powers. In this context undeniably reflection on the definition of the regulatory power of the CNJ, presents itself as extremely relevant, and current, in particular in the ambience of the Constitutional Rule of Law, where he strives for legal certainty and consolidation of regulatory institutions. So that it could reach a satisfactory result, skilled at resolving the problems raised, the present study analyzed the reasons that gave rise to the creation of the CNJ, demonstrating their indispensability, but also sought to characterize the status of their administrative and constitutional body, noting finally, the compatibility of its regulatory activities to constitutional principles. From this perspective, we adopted the deductive method and carried out research and bibliographic nature documentary.
Resumo:
ALVES, Ana Paula de M. ; GERMANO, A. F. S. ; ARAKAKI, L N H ; Ferreira, U. V. S. ; ARAUJO, A. S. Influencia da ativaçao acida na estabilidade termica de hibridos vermiculita/epoxido. In: CONGRESSO NACIONAL DE ANLISETERMICA E CALORIMETRIA, 7., 2010, São Pedro, SP. Anais... Sao Pedro, SP: ABRATEC, 2010
Resumo:
Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre as representações e práticas sociais relativas à construção da conjugalidade homoafetiva e o direito de reconhecimento. Nesse contexto, são analisados os embates ideológicos decorrentes das tentativas de redefinição das representações e práticas sociais relativas à família e a conjugalidade, em sua feição heterocêntrica, a partir das disputas em torno do reconhecimento social e jurídico das uniões homoafetivas, desencadeadas no contexto da sociedade brasileira, a partir da apresentação, no Congresso Nacional, do Projeto de Lei n° 1.151/95, da Deputada Marta Suplicy, que disciplina a união civil entre pessoas do mesmo sexo
Resumo:
Recognizing the need to preserve a national ethnic minority, the Constitution, inspired by the pluralistic values of the Constitutional Law State, stipulated a series of rights and guarantees for the conservation of indigenous cultural singularity, disciplining in article 231 the Indians right to maintain their social organization, customs, languages, beliefs and traditions, as well as safeguarding the rights to the lands they traditionally occupy, and the exclusive use of the wealth existing in them, premise of ensuring their physical and cultural continuity, breaking decisively with the paradigm the assimilation of the Indian national civilization. However, despite the Indian policy of ethnic and cultural preservation, the Constitution allowed the exploitation of minerals in aboriginal territory, incorporated herein hydrocarbons, provided they meet certain predetermined requirements, leaving it to the legislature the discipline of ordinary matter. However, this law has not yet been published, with some projects in the National Congress, leaving thus precluding the indigenous subsurface oil exploration until the enactment of enabling legislation. Meanwhile, this paper carries out an integrated analysis of the constitutional protection of ethnic and cultural uniqueness of indigenous peoples, Convention Nº 169 of the International Labour Organization and the bill presented by Deputy Eduardo Valverde, in an attempt to consolidate sustainable development practices in the sector, through developing a system of social and environmental responsible oil exploration, aligning with national energy needs to maintain a balanced environment and preservation of socio-cultural organization of a minority so weakened and beaten over five centuries of domination
Resumo:
The present paper is a doctorate thesis, in the area of Education, that has as a goal to describe and to reflect on the construction/systematization of a relation between family and institution of Childhood Education, in favor of sharing the care and education actions of children, in the context of creation of a County Center of Childhood Education, located in the city of Natal-RN. Our intension with this paper is to share some of the ideas and actions collectively constructed by this experience, with the intention of bringing a contribution for the thematic debates concerning Childhood Education - as modality of education, in a general way; and the relations between families and Institutions of Childhood Education, in a more specific way. The paper presented here is endorsed by the postulates of the qualitative research with characteristics of a research-action, having as main instruments of the data construction the open or half-structuralized interviews, the personal notebook of registers, the participant s index cards characterizing the children and comments. Authors as Aries (1981); Bassedas, Huguet and Solé (1999); Bhering and Blatchford (1999); Brasil (1998); Bujes (2001); Didonet (2002 - 2003); Formosinho (2007); Gómez (2000); Heywood (2004); Kramer (2005); Marchesi and Martín (2003); Marschal and Zohar (2006); Thiollent (2004); Tiriba (2006), amongst others, had theoretically based this paper. The experience described here points to the possibilities of sharing the care and education actions between family and Institution of Childhood Education, emphasizing the relevance of participative praxis in the interior of the institution, so that its job can propitiate this sharing with the families, throughout activities as meetings, lectures, workshops, participation in didactic projects, open expositions to the community, commemorative parties and valuation of the local culture, amongst other chances of dialogue and interaction between the educative institution and the families
Resumo:
This thesis studies the use of argumentation as a discursive element in digital media, particularly blogs. We analyzed the Blog "Fatos e Dados" [Facts and Data], created by Petrobras in the context of allegations of corruption that culminated in the installation of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the company within the Congress. We intend to understand the influence that the discursive elements triggered by argumentation exercise in blogs and about themes scheduling. To this end, we work with notions of argumentation in dialogue with questions of language and discourse from the work of Charaudeau (2006), Citelli (2007), Perelman & Olbrechts-Tyteca (2005), Foucault (2007, 2008a), Bakhtin (2006) and Breton (2003). We also observe our subject from the perspective of social representations, where we seek to clarify concepts such as public image and the use of representations as argumentative elements, considering the work of Moscovici (2007). We also consider reflections about hypertext and the context of cyberculture, with authors such as Levy (1993, 1999, 2003), Castells (2003) and Chartier (1999 and 2002), and issues of discourse analysis, especially in Orlandi (1988, 1989, 1996 and 2001), as well as Foucault (2008b). We analyzed 118 posts published in the first 30 days of existence of the blog "Fatos e Dados" (between 2 June and 1 July 2009), and analyzed in detail the top ten. A corporate blog aims to defend the points of view and public image of the organization, and, therefore, uses elements of social representations to build their arguments. It goes beyond the blog, as the main news criteria, including the posts we reviewed, the credibility of Petrobras as the source of information. In the posts analyzed, the news values of innovation and relevance also arise. The controversy between the Blog and the press resulted from an inadequacy and lack of preparation of media to deal with a corporate blog that was able to explore the characteristics of liberation of the emission pole in cyberculture. The Blog is a discursive manifestation in a concrete historical situation, whose understanding and attribution of meaning takes place from the social relations between subjects that, most of the time, place themselves in discursive and ideological dispute between each other - this dispute also affects the movements of reading and reading production. We conclude that intersubjective relationships that occur in blogs change, in the form of argumentative techniques used, the notions of news criteria, interfering with scheduling of news and organization of information in digital media outlets. It is also clear the influence that the discursive elements triggered by argumentation exercise in digital media, trying to resize and reframe frames of reality conveyed by it in relation to the subject-readers. Blogs have become part of the scenario information with the emergence of the Internet and are able to interfere in a more effective way to organize the scheduling of media from the conscious utilization of argumentative elements in their posts
Resumo:
This work has as objective to reflect about the insertion of the women in the City Council of Natal in the period from 1988 to 2004. We focused our discussion in the context of the politics of quota that has with objective to decrease the frame of inequalities existent between women and men in the politics, besides of to analyze which the determinants responsible for the women's sub-representation. The research still consists of an analysis of the councilor s women profile and how they were seen in that space of power. We analyzed our study object in a gender vision, since this is related intrinsically the social relationships and the relationships of power. The women, for a long time, they were excluded of the participation in the public life, being just seen as mere expectants. This research is informed mainly by studies which discuss the Gender (Scott, 1990), (Perrot, 1988), (Badinter, 1995), (Bruschini, 2002). We also analyzed the power, politics in the vision of Marx (1996), Foucault (1982) and (Arendt, 2001). We tried to analyze the women's presence in the spaces public and private, showing your conflicts and contradictions faced in the society, focalizing the political character of the women's inclusion in the spaces in that are inserted. The instrument of collection of data was the semi-structured questionnaire, descriptive and analytical - critical. The analyses of the interviews show to the sub-representation of women over the years as a determining factor for these women continue in the invisibility. The women were interviewed councillora ex- bounded from 1988 to 2004. The conclusion the one that we arrived is that this sub-representation has as decisive the patriarchal system that prevailed for a long time in our society and still dominates and affects women in all areas of your life. This becomes more serious in the capitalist society in which prevail the interests of those that it stops the produced wealth
Resumo:
The concern with issues related to consumer protection has emerged in North America and then spread throughout the world. In Brazil, consumer‟s rights and interests only gained greater importance after their consolidation in the Constitution of 1988 and the enactment of the 8078/90 Law (Consumer‟s Protection and Defense Code), which established the consumerist microsystem. The understanding of the legal relationship of consumption concept is necessarily connected to knowledge of the elements that compose it. Among these, we can find the consumer and the provider (subjective elements), the product or service (objective elements), and the consumer‟s condition as final receiver of the consumption object (finalistic element). In order to elucidate the configuration of consumer protection before advertising communication, this work will analyze the advertising through the prism of consumerist laws, conceptualizing it and presenting a differentiation of it in relation to practices such as marketing, offer and commercial communication as well as examining its several kinds of manifestation, focusing mainly the ones categorized as misleading or unfair advertising. All kinds of advertising communication against the consumerist microsystem are subject to judicial control exercised by the State. Besides individual protection possibilities, this state-owned control can be collectively exercised as a result of the utilization of public civil action and popular action. Some specific categories of advertising (smoking products, alcoholic beverages, pesticides, medicines and therapies) are still subject to a set of particular restraints provided by the 9294/96 Law, which enables the performance of a special control in relation to them. In addition to state control, there is also a system of advertising communication self-regulation, which develops itself through the actions of the National Council of Advertising Self-Regulation that are based mainly on the laws established by the Brazilian Code of Advertising Self-Regulation and its annexes. However, this system of advertising self-regulation still has some deficiencies that hinder its effectiveness