126 resultados para Direito - Aspectos sociais
Resumo:
Os Direitos Humanos, compreendidos como o conjunto de direitos indispensáveis à efetivação da dignidade humana, encontram-se, atualmente, no centro das discussões e relações jurídicas internacionais e nacionais. Seu amplo reconhecimento em nível mundial e a universalização de seus preceitos centrais alçaram o Direito Internacional a um nível de evolução e de relacionamento com o Direito Constitucional que se mostram impassíveis de serem ignorados pelas jurisdições nacionais. Encontrando-se tais direitos na base do constitucionalismo moderno, o que os mantém em estreito relacionamento com o pluralismo e a democracia, faz-se imperioso recordar-se que as noções jurídicas que os animam serviram de base histórica e genética ao reconhecimento e à positivação, em nível constitucional, dos assim chamados direitos fundamentais. Em sintonia com a especial deferência que se tem ofertado aos direitos humanos na sociedade contemporânea global, nossa Constituição positivou entre os princípios regentes de suas relações internacionais ordem expressa de prevalente respeito aos tratados internacionais estabelecedores desses direitos, além de ter possibilitado a recepção desses pactos em nosso ordenamento jurídico, inclusive a título de preceitos constitucionais, conforme Emenda Constitucional n. 45/2004. Esse tratamento especial, além do processo democrático que conduziu o Brasil a uma progressiva aceitação dos tratados, pactos e convenções humanitários, torna possível a conclusão de que os Direitos Humanos apresentam elementos de diferencial carga legitimadora, podendo contribuir, significativamente para, a legitimação democrática de nossa Jurisdição Constitucional. Também é possível perceber-se que, ocorrente em esferas de poder e de legitimação diversos, em particular a nível internacional, a importância conferida aos Direitos Humanos não resta esvaziada pela ampla proteção constitucional conferida aos direitos fundamentais. Particularmente questionada em sua perspectiva democrática, mormente ante o cumprimento da nominada regra contramajoritária e em face da crescente ampliação de seu poder político, nossa Jurisdição Constitucional não pode mais permanecer alheia aos condicionantes determinados pelas amplas imbricações que se desenvolveram no estreitamento de relações entre o Direito Constitucional e o Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos. Também a crise dogmática ditada pelo distanciamento havido entre o direito posto e a realidade nacional tem implicado em inegável desgaste público da atividade jurisdicional, principalmente da jurisdição voltada à proteção constitucional. O papel da Jurisdição Constitucional atual há, portanto, de ser cumprido em sintonia com as normas internacionais de Direitos Humanos, principalmente em respeito às normas constitucionais pátrias que ordenam a prevalência desses direitos nas relações internacionais. Nesse sentido, pode e necessita nossa Jurisdição Constitucional valer-se do particular potencial legitimador das normas definidoras de Direitos Humanos, reconhecendo e efetivando tais normas e adequando-se às tendências modernas que a elas conferem especial proteção, num processo dialético de inolvidável natureza democrática
Resumo:
The criminal responsibility of the media is analyzed when the criteria for production of news and events involving public safety are produced without considering the technical, legal and ethical practice of journalism in the media factors. Freedom of speech, expression of thought, necessary for professional qualifications and constitutional limits, reaching criminal constitutional principles and the possibilities of criminal liability for offenses practiced in the media are present as key factors legal dialogue in this work. The judgment of the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of Law nº. 5.250/67 called Media Law caused a gap in the national legal system, forcing the use of the criminal code to address issues that involve crimes produced in media professional performance. The presumption of innocence is ignored by the professional media during a police investigation where the information published does not respect, including constitutional guarantees: the right to privacy, honor and image. The right to information and the duty to inform media are worked in its constitutional aspect, considering that the same information should be produced is guided by the quality and guiding principles of truth. The constitutional concept of media is presented as information with the appropriate language of the news media, produced and disseminated through the vehicles of mass media, whether in print or digital platform. The presented model of the legal right to information is outlined from a constitutional hermeneutics, increasing the production of news as a result of the occupation of journalist in different news platforms, guaranteeing the quality of this prolific law. Under the Freedom of professional activity of the journalist, the constitutional limits are addressed in line with the reality of (non) regulation of their profession, considering the constitutional abuses committed in the exercise of that activity linked to communication fences. Jusphilosophic field reaches the limits of the duty of truth in journalism as a tool for spreading news, respect the audience and compatibility with the constitutional state. Using the conceptual and doctrinal aspects, this criminal offense is parsed from the journalistic practice and the publication of news involving public safety, with the hypothetical field consummation of that crime through the eventual intention. As a form of judgment against these crimes produced in honor media presents the court of the jury as a legitimate form of democratic decision
Resumo:
The right against self-incrimination is a fundamental right that works in the criminal prosecution, and therefore deserves a study supported by the general theory of criminal procedure. The right has a vague origin, and despite the various historical accounts only arises when there is a criminal procedure structured that aims to limit the State´s duty-power to punish. The only system of criminal procedure experienced that reconciles with seal self-incrimination is the accusatory model. The inquisitorial model is based on the construction of a truth and obtaining the confession at any cost, and is therefore incompatible with the right in study. The consecration of the right arises with the importance that fundamental rights have come to occupy in the Democratic Constitutional States. In the Brazilian experience before 1988 was only possible to recognize that self-incrimination represented a procedural burden for accused persons. Despite thorough debate in the Constituent Assembly, the right remains consecrated in a textual formula that´s closer to the implementation made by the Supreme Court of the United States, known as "Miranda warnings", than the text of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that established originally the right against self-incrimination with a constitutional status. However, the imprecise text does not prevent the consecration of the principle as a fundamental right in Brazilian law. The right against self-incrimination is a right that should be observed in the Criminal Procedure and relates to several of his canons, such as the the presumption of not guilty, the accusatory model, the distribution of the burden of proof, and especially the right of defense. Because it a fundamental right, the prohibition of self-incrimination deserves a proper study to her constitutional nature. For the definition of protected persons is important to build a material concept of accused, which is different of the formal concept over who is denounced on the prosecution. In the objective area of protection, there are two objects of protection of the norm: the instinct of self-preservation of the subject and the ability to self-determination. Configuring essentially a evidence rule in criminal procedure, the analysis of the case should be based on standards set previously to indicate respect for the right. These standard include the right to information of the accused, the right to counsel and respect the voluntary participation. The study of violations cases, concentrated on the element of voluntariness, starting from the definition of what is or is not a coercion violative of self-determination. The right faces new challenges that deserve attention, especially the fight against terrorism and organized crime that force the development of tools, resources and technologies about proves, methods increasingly invasive and hidden, and allow the use of information not only for criminal prosecution, but also for the establishment of an intelligence strategy in the development of national and public security
Resumo:
If, on one hand, only with the 1988 Federal Constitution the right to health began to receive the treatment of authentic fundamental social right; on the other, it is certain since then, the level of concretization reached as to such right depicts a mismatch between the constitutional will and the will of the rulers. That is because, despite the inherent gradualness of the process of concretization of the fundamental social rights, the Brazilian reality, marked by a picture of true chaos on public health routinely reported on the evening news, denatures the priority status constitutionally drew for the right to health, demonstrating, thus, that there is a clear deficit in this process, which must be corrected. This concern regarding the problem of the concretization of the social rights, in turn, is underlined when one speaks of the right to health, since such right, due to its intimate connection with the right to life and human dignity, ends up assuming a position of primacy among the social rights, presenting itself as an imperative right, since its perfect fruition becomes an essential condition for the potential enjoyment of the remaining social rights. From such premises, this paper aims to provide a proposal for the correction of this problem based upon the defense of an active role of the Judiciary in the concretization of the right to health as long as grounded to objective and solid parameters that come to correct, with legal certainty, the named deficit and to avoid the side effects and distortions that are currently beheld when the Judiciary intends to intervene in the matter. For that effect, emerges as flagship of this measure a proposition of an existential minimum specific to the right to health that, taking into account both the constitutionally priority points relating to this relevant right, as well as the very logic of the structuring of the Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS inserted within the core of the public health policies developed in the country, comes to contribute to a judicialization of the subject more in alignment with the ideals outlined in the 1988 Constitution. Furthermore, in the same intent to seek a concretization of the right to health in harmony with the constitutional priority inherent to this material right, the research alerts to the need to undertake a restructuring in the form of organization of the Boards of Health in order to enforce the constitutional guideline of SUS community participation, as well as the importance of establishing a new culture budget in the country, with the Constitution as a compass, pass accurately portray a special prioritization directed constitutional social rights, especially the right to health
Resumo:
The neoconstitutionalism led to a process of ethical revaluation of the normative systems and the process of constitutionalization of the many fields of law. This study examines the consequences of this process in criminal law, so important a Law field for the protection of the most valuable assets by the society, including the fundamental guarantees, thus emphasizing the necessity of protection of the collective and individual rights, which are guided by the observance of the defendants individual rights in the course of criminal proceedings and the search for the best efficiency of penal protection, according to the corollaries of defense against the state (prohibition of the excess or Übermassverbot) and the provision of rights by the state (prohibition of insufficient protection or Untermassverbot). The offense of fuel adulteration is taken as an object of study, since it is a vital market to a nation dependent of people and good s movement for their living, driven by fossil and biofuels. Such a crime affects essential legal interests to the development of society, interests such as the environment, consumer relations and economic order, particularly the principle of free competition. This paper seeks to analyze the need of a greater efficiency of this particular criminal protection, once concluded the conduct harm and social fear as a consequence by it as growing, and therefore having its former crime type, engraved in Article 1 of Law No. 8.176/1991, rewritten in compliance with the criminal law s principle of legality. Thus, the reformation proposals and legislative creation involving this crime were observed, with emphasis on the bill No. 2498/2003, which keeps it as blank heterogeneous criminal norm, kind of penal normative whose constitutionality is raised, including the forethought of criminal responsibility in the perpetrating of the offense as culpable and subsequently increasing the applicable minimum penalty, as well as the inclusion of new activities in the typical nucleus
Resumo:
The fundamental social right to education has a lengthy constitutional argument, having been declared as a right to everyone in the Title dedicated to the fundamental rights and warrants and, later, scrutinized in the Social Order Chapter exclusively devoted to this theme, where specific rights are guaranteed and fundamental duties are imposed to family, society, and state. In that which concerns education, the 1988 Constitution is the result of a historical-normative process which, since the days of the Lusitanian Empire wavering between distinct levels of protection warrants in some way the educational process. Nevertheless, not even the State s oldest commitment to education has been fully achieved, namely, the annihilation of illiteracy. Even as other fundamental social rights, education is inflicted with the lack of effective political will to reach its fulfillment, and this is reflected in the production of doctrine and jurisprudence which reduce the efficacy of these rights. The objective of this work is to analyze what part is to be played by the constitutional jurisdiction in the reversal of this picture in regards to the fulfillment of the fundamental social right to education. Therefore it is indispensable to present a proper conception of constitutional jurisdiction its objectives, boundaries and procedures and that of the social rights in the Brazilian context so as to establish its relationship from the prism of the right to education. The main existing obstacles to the effective action of constitutional jurisdiction on the ground of social rights are identified and then proposals so as to overcome them are presented. The contemplative and constructive importance of education in the shaping of the individual as well as its instrumental relevance to the achievement of the democratic ideal through the means of the shaping of the citizen is taken into account. The historical context which leads to the current Brazilian educational system is analyzed, tracing the normative area and the essential content of the fundamental right to education aiming to delineate parameters for the adequate development of the constitutional jurisdiction in the field. This jurisdiction must be neither larger nor narrower than that which has been determined by the Constitution itself. Its activity has been in turns based on a demagogic rhetoric of those fundamental rights which present a doubtful applicability, or falling short of that which has been established showing an excessive reverence to the constituent powers. It is necessary to establish dogmatic parameters for a good action of this important tool of constitutional democracy, notably in regards to the fundamental social right to education, for the sake of its instrumental role in the achievement of the democratic ideals of liberty and equality
Resumo:
The main goal of this work is to verify the presence of the principle of human dignity, determined by the Constitution of 1988, when Socio Educational Acts from the Statute of Children and adolescent were put in practice, focusing on the treatment designated to the youth whose acts were against the law in the city of Natal, as well as the difficulties to match the legal texts and its reality. It is common knowledge that the law for children and adolescent was based in the principle of human dignity, for its institutes say so. But would the Law match the practice of Socio Educational Acts? Or this law would be an example of good intentions that never left the paper and became reality? First there is an approach on the human dignity principle, with its definition and limitation, according to a theory about the theme. Afterwards it is made a connection between human rights and the principle of human dignity considering historical and social features, for the law is also a reflect of these transformations, we try to show the different laws the country had until today, concerning the children inflicted by poverty and those whose acts were against the law, since the rodas dos expostos, the phase of irregular situation, in which the children were arrested simply because they were beggars, until present time. The theory aspects are shown beside a field research made with the adolescent and staff from CEDUC/Natal, producing a critical view about the subject and showing some solutions for the problems found. At last, it is made a critical analyses of the problems detected on the field research, and, in some cases, a suggestion is given to change the reality
Resumo:
The present research has, as general objective, to seek a constitucional hermeneutics directed toward the improvement of the efficacy of the social rights rules, with the purpose to solve the elapsins problems from the general picture of its inefficiency, which are disposed on the Constitution, in its ample majority, as mere regular norms. Leaving of the premise that no Constitutional norm can be without being materialized and the true development of the State is it the social one (based on the principles of freedom, equality and solidarity), it will be demonstrated that the arguments in favor of the legislative inefficiency configure a true blow on the Democratic State of Brazilian Law. For this, it will be done, preliminarily, a study of the basic rights, legal category where it is found the social rights. To follow, it will be analyzed the hermeneutics of the legal norms, with emphasis on the specifics of the constitutional hermeneutics and its methods of interpretation. Finally, the aspect on the improvement of efficacy and the effectiveness of the social rights will be studied, through a new readind of certain dogmas that still persist in the legal world, being distinguished the institutiones of the reserve of the possible and the existential minimum. Ahead of this, after verifying the new paradigmas of the interpretable activity, will be demonstrated how it is possible to get an upgrade on the effectiveness of the social rights
Resumo:
During the ninth century, owing to the process of industrialization, new social conflicts were showed, forcing the Government not to remain inert. The necessity of answer to these new demands requires from the State some actions that assure the new economic, cultural and social rights, able to exceed the formal equality, according to the principles of redistributive equality and well-being. Among the social rights, the right to health is showed up, which is placed at the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Treaty for the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, as a necessary term to promote the dignity and the free development of the human personality. Under the Constitutional Law, it is clear that the implementation of the right to health, placed at the 6th article of the Brazilian Constitution, demands a government activity, which usually requires a provision of material goods, depending on budgetary resources. The Legislative and Executive Branches have a very important role in compliance with the constitutional regulations about the satisfactory offer of health care services, besides the correct use of the resources at this area. The adoption of public policies is the way of Government action to the planning and realization of this right. Though, some public policies are usually made apart from the social compromises, to the detriment of the basic social rights. The government has a discretionary competence to manage the health services. That is the reason it is necessary the control of the political choices, through the popular control, the extrajudicial control by the Account Courts, or the judicial review. Owed to the constitutionalization of social rights, the constitutional justice has a very relevant role, concerning to the constitutional jurisdiction, in a way the Judiciary Branch assume your position as a player that transforms the society. On the control of the public health policies, there is a cast of official instruments, judicial or not, to the guarantee of the collective right to the public health services, and to allow the citizens to reach the real implementation of the right to health
Resumo:
This study aims to analyze how IFRN s process of interiorization contributes to endogenization of local and territorial development, more precisely in terms of graduates absorption into the labor market, form of inclusion and increase of income and welfare. The research premise is that the policy of interiorization and expansion of professional and technology education, by decentralizing opportunities, create a differential for the educational and professional trajectory of part of the graduates. This training, however, retain a relative connection with the productive potentialities in the coverage territories. This study includes a review of the literature on education and labor market and a discussion about the role of technical and professional formation for the local development versus the logic of the free market, considering the expansion of public spending for this purpose. For this study two sets of information and data have been collected primarily, with qualitative and quantitative nature. The research with qualitative focus, entitled Pesquisa de Avaliação da Expansão (PAEX), is constituted by series of open interviews applied to institutional representatives, with the purpose of knowing aspects of the interiorization repercussion in the local development process. The research designed to quantity analysis, entitled of the Pesquisa de Acompanhamento de Egressos (PAE), have been put in practice by applying online questionnaire with closed questions to IFRN s former students, aiming to know the form of insertion of the graduates in the labor market and the formation capacity of increasing the welfare, among other things. Empirical data and information fully confirmed the hypothesis of this study, for they really demonstrated that the expansion policy decentralizes opportunities and constitutes an important differential for the professional trajectory of a significant portion of the graduates. However, the graduates employability in the labor market in their territories of coverage is below expectations, due to structural problems of the local economy related to scarcity of jobs, difficulty in wage growth and in professional development. Complementarily, it has been observed institutional difficulties related to the recent implantation process of the policy of professional and technical education in the various campuses of the Institution
Resumo:
In the last three decades, the subject of the teacher's social identity has been discussed under various theoretical focuses, not only in Brazil, but also beyond our borders. In this thesis, the theme is approached starting from the theoretical proposal that has been developed by Domingos Sobrinho (1994), which is strongly based in the epistemological approach between Pierre Bourdieu’s praxiology and the Theory of the Social Representations formulated by Serge Moscovici. It presupposes that this would make it easier to apprehend the process of construction of social identity of the investigated social group. The universe of the research is constituted by teachers of the fundamental teaching of the municipal district of Maracanaú, state of Ceará, that were active in class-room work there during at least three years, and were registered or had concluded the Course of Educational Formation promoted by UECE in that municipal district. Taking into account that the teacher's social identity is a process in permanent construction, resulting of their daily experiences and of the interferences originated from of the social context, the investigative tasks were implemented in two different stages, although they complement each other. Initially, with the objective of putting in evidence the genesis of the formation of that group’s habitus, an analysis of the family and school lives of eleven teachers who participated in the course was made, using as main sources of data: thematic memorials, semi-structured interviews and observations - inside and out of the class-room – during four school semesters. In the second stage a test of free association of words was applied to 426 teachers, seeking to apprehend the structure of the social representations of family and school – a methodological strategy considered necessary to enhance and identify certain outlines of the habitus in study, besides being in agreement with the theoretical model followed. It became evident from the results that the identity of Maracanaú’s teachers is molded and transformed into a multifaceted dynamic unit that shows successes and mistakes, certainties and doubts. For instance, besides an innovative speech seeking to reassure that teaching is a profession and not a simple vocation or mission, some discourse and attitudes are identified that point to the opposite direction, extolling the school as extension of the family, defending a parental relationship with the students, and looking at certain aspects of daily school life as “sacramental”. However, in the light of science such ambiguities and incoherences are inherent to common sense discourse, where the influences of the patterns and cultural references are present in the process of identity construction of the group, which was confirmed by the research of their social representations of family and school
Resumo:
Climacteric is the name of the period of the human life that it is going from the 40 years old, approximately, until the 65 years old. Though, for besides a biological phase of the woman's life, the climacteric is an object of the social world that is rendered to different apprehensions and readings on the symbolic plan. In this study, it was looked for to know the social representations, that health' professionals acting in the programs of the climacteric and the users of those same services, build in respect of that purpose. Besides, it tried to be seen that the social hegemonic representation that guides the actions and the agents' attitudes in the practices of attendance and education for the woman's health in the climacteric in the extent of the investigated institutions. The data were collected through interviews, questionnaire, focal discussion group and direct observation. The observation field was constituted by the three institutions that develop the attendance and education for the woman's health in the climacteric phase, in the city of Natal. A gender perspective was also been adopted, sought to evidence as the cognitive structures that assure the masculine power reproduction, pronounce to the social representations to build a sense to the investigated purpose. It was verified that the social representations of the climacteric are built mainly around the semantic fields old age and disease. For the health professionals, the meaning of the simbol old age carries the marks of the indentified system of the middle class employed, but also, of the feminine habitus that guides them to have an ethical and aesthetic apprehension of their own body. The climacteric, in that way, is seen as a difficult phase , a painful event that scares . For the women attended by those professionals, the sign old age means feeling emphasis from the biological climacteric aspects, in other words, the sensations and signs that forbid the body to accomplish certain linked basic life functions. Along the whole course of this thesis, it was verified that the climacteric is a complex phenomenon that needs to be faced as such. While cultural phenomenon, it is urgent to look for means to help to combat the centrality of the professional representations that face the climacteric as old age and disease, particularly in the field of health
Resumo:
Public politics of Service to the Child: The Challenge of the Action Articulated in the Project Belém Criança (2001-2004) if it constitutes in a study on the politics directed toward the children of 0 the 6 years. It has as objective to analyze the configuration of the politics of integral attention to the child, evidencing the form as the same ones they had been redimensioned by the neoliberal ideas and by the lines of direction of the international organisms. The work has like empiric reference the project Belém Criança, developed by county of Belém from a partnership with the Deep of United Nations for Infancy (UNICEF), in the period of 2001 and 2004. The project intends to develop an articulated action among the several county departments which offer assistance to the children looking for to rationalize the resources and to optimize the services. Amongst the methodological procedures that materialized the research distinguished: The bibliographical review and documental allowed to analyze the contextualization of the public politics and, between them, the social politics of attendance to the child; the historical revolution this attendance; the paper of the UNICEF how articulator of the politics in municipal scope; and the paper of county how executer these politics. Still it was utilized, the half-structuralized interview, Having like subjects: the representative of the UNICEF in Belém, the municipal co-managers and actors of community in which the project was implemented. The result of the analyzes review that, historically, the politics destined to the child they had been being dimensioned having like support the fight of social movements vindictive for publics politic which guarantee the fundamentals rights these citizen. Although legal dimension of current politics of attendance to the child, to assume a vision of completeness and the guarantee of the rights, it still has a great exaggeration between the speech and the practical one. Actually, the same one are elaborate inside the neoliberal optics, with ruled actions by the beginning in combat to the poverty, implanted with low costs and with practice which to lead to the excessive fragmentation, generating inadequate actions and punctual programs which don t guarantee the social quality of the attendance. This perspective was evidenced to the most of the actors which the Project Belém Criança don t constitute itself a real public politic toward the child of 0 the 6 years, although present innovating aspects, how the mobilization and participation. It was demonstrated yet, in the participant s depositions of the research, that the bureau had numberless of difficulty to develop the action preview in the project, it has seen the great complexity of articulation between the several organism responsible by politics of attendance
Resumo:
The work aims to investigate some of the educational actions developed in the differentiated Tapeba schools (CE), in their pedagogical practices. The reading of these practices as ritual of ethnic cultural resistance is accomplished by the approach of studies of experience and performance in the anthropology, as well as, the analytical perspective suggested by the dramaturgy ideas and social drama. So, taking a critical approach of the school, that conceives it, while time space privileged of possibilities of political social change, this work searches to notice the means of achievement of a differentiated education. I aim at, with that, to observe the ritual moments and performáticos of the pedagogic practices of Tapeba while important political-symbolic expressions of your collective experiences, looking at the process of construction of legitimacy of the school differentiated as scenery of creation of pedagogic rituals of resistance. Then, the Cultural Fair, Tapeba Indian Games, the Walking of Tapeba Indian`s Day and Carnauba Party by one side and the Cultural Classes, by another, promote a re-thinking on the experiences of Tapeba ethnicity, distinguishing also, in this process of identity affirmation, the political pedagogical role fulfilled by land re-taking. Finally, this work makes clear that Tapeba prove to be individuals with rights and at the same time they want to legitimate their differentiated school practices, Tapeba construct the meaning of their social actions in the educative and in other aspects of their communitarian living as well
Resumo:
As a result of the prediction of irreversible changes on necessary conditions to maintain life, including human, on the planet, environmental education got the spotlight in the political scenario, due to social pressure for the development of individual and collective values, knowledge, skills, attitudes and competences towards environmental preservation. In Brazil, only in 1999 the right for environmental education was officially granted to people, having the status of essential and permanent component in the country s education. Since then, it has been Government s duty, in each federal branch, to plan actions to make it happen, in an articulate way in all levels and modalities of the education process, both formally and informally. This work of research has environmental education in the school as subject matter, and aims on analyzing social and political mediations established between this National Environmental Education policy and the contexts associated to the legislative production process, the political nature of the conceptions about environmental education that underlie Law 9.795/99 (Brazil, 2009c) and also Rio Grande do Norte Government s actions and omissions related to the imperative nature of the insertion of environmental education in the schools ran by the state, during the ten years this law has been in force. The investigation of the subject matter was led by a social and historical understanding of the social and environmental phenomena, as well as of the education system as a whole, considering that only through a dialectical view we can see the real world, by destroying the pseudo-concreteness that surrounds the topic. While analyzing, we assumed that in face of the dominance of a social organization in which market regulations rule on environmental ones, by developing individual and collective critical conscience, environmental education can become a threat to dominant economical interests in exploiting natural resources. The results of this research suggest that as an educational practice to be developed in an integrated, continuous and permanent fashion in all levels and modalities of formal education, environmental education has not yet come to pass in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, due to the neglect and disrespect of the government when facing the need of promoting the necessary and legally appointed measures to make it present in the basic education provided by the state. The legislators silence when it comes to approving a regulation on environmental education essential to define policies, rules and criteria to teaching the subject in the state and the omission from the public administration regarding critical actions in order to integrate in public schools the activities related to the National Environmental Education Policy, represent a political decision for not doing anything, despite the legal demand for an active position. This neglecting attitude for the actualizing of strategically concrete actions, urgent and properly planned for the implementation of environmental education in schools in a multidisciplinary way, exposes the lack of interest the predominant classes have in such kind of education being made available, as it could be developed based on a critic political view, becoming a political and educational action against dominance. When analyzing the basic principles and fundamental goals in Law 9.795/99 (Brazil, 2009c) the development of a critic environmental education is really possible and concurs with the National Environmental Education Policy, reflecting the social and political mediations established between this public policy and the contexts associated to its legislative production process, which are responsible for approving a regulation which also represents the mind of the people about environmental protection above anything else