87 resultados para lutas simbólicas


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In the context of late modernity, the socio-cultural transformations established new social practices which corroborate discursive changes in dialectic movements, contributing to the order of the educational discourses to be more and more affected by typical market discourses and values which are covered by ideologies, hegemonic struggles and power relations. In this sense, this research study, which is based on the theoretical tenets of the Critical Discourse Analysis in its interdisciplinary branch (FAIRCLOUGH, 2006; ORMUNDO, 2010; PEDROSA, 2010; RAMALHO E RESENDE, 2011), aims at discussing how the sociocultural changes in the context of private education interact with the market proposal of neoliberal and economical policies. The research was methodologically based on the qualitative approach (CHIZZOTTI, 1991; BOGDAN e BIKLEN, 1994; MINAYO, 1994), especially on the principles of contemporary Applied Linguistics (SIGNORINI, 1998; MOITA-LOPES, 2006; MENEZES, SILVA, GOMES, 2009). Data were gathered from advertisements used in campaigns by private educational institutions and agencies in Natal/RN; the advertisements were collected in primary and secondary levels and in language courses from October to December, 2010. The data analysis indicate that education, in the context of globalization and late modernity, has become a market agency and that the new face of the educational discourse of private institutions is interwoven with a social representation of education as a site of struggle and hegemonic dispute. Therefore, the research leads us to infer that, as the educational public policies based on hegemonic economy and on ideological assumptions of international agents (Global Bank, FMI, etc.) have become widespread, education has become an arena of dispute and a powerful economic product to the market of cultural and commercial industry, thus emphasizing a society in which everything is economically based

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This work has as objective generality to make a multidimensional analysis in the genre journalistic assay, communicative genre that, beyond complex and multimodal, presents hybrid characteristics. Specifically, with the intention to propose defining criteria of the cited genre, this research looks for to establish differences and similarities between the assay and other genres of the same sphere, from the description and interpretation of used multimodal resources. The analysis of the formal, schematical and rhetorical resources identified in the formatting of the journalistic assay sample that the analyses are supported in the socio-semiotic and socio-rhetorical approaches. In the formal dimension, we contemplate elements that constitute design of the text, including the forms of representation from the typography, the colors, images, as well as the aspects communicative-linguistics: the modalization indices, the communicative operators and the category time; in the schematical dimension, we present the organizational structure, considering the rhetorical movements postulates for Swales (1990) and in the rhetorical dimension we observe the categories: who writes, for who it writes, on what it writes and where writes. The adopted methodologicals postulates are of qualitative nature and the procedure is documentary, data that in we are valid them written texts of this genre as analysis object. Corpus it is constituted by a composed sample for 14 extracted texts of a set of 173 propagated journalistic assays weekly for the magazine Veja, in the period between August of 2004 and January of 2008. The analysis of the data showed that the journalistic assay, object of this study, materializes through multiple symbolic representations and multiple subjects that turn since a small episode of the daily facts of great social relevance in the present time, of historical and cultural nature, nationwide or international. Used for the first time by Montaigne in 1580, to assign, in saying of the proper author, written fast on its life and historical events, which could nor be remembered later , the term `assay' was enriched with other specifications, of form to enclose the one that if they call scientific assay today, academic assay, journalistic assay and other types of specific assays. These denominations have to see with the enrollment of the members of diverse of practices communities, in virtue of the multiplicity of activities carried through in these spheres. The conclusions the one that we arrive had been the following ones: 1. the discursive genre is not a pure entity, in virtue of the multiplicity of situations where the sorts if insert in the social actions; 2. the institutions define the configuration of one definitive genre, also its proper assignment, since for backwards of all discursive genre a voice exists to discipline - institutional voice, and in the case of the assays for analyzed us, the institutional voice if it presents, really, as a defining trace; 3. the journalistic assay, for its multiple symbolic representations, multiple subjects and for passing explicit or implicit opinions of its author, resembles it other genres, being able, therefore, to be inserted in a colony of opinionatives genres

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The present work seeks essentially to demonstrate how some anthropological structures of the imaginary, theorized by the French thinker Gilbert DURAND, projected themselves in a noticeable manner in the poetic work of the Brazilian poet Orides FONTELA. Chiefly we will demonstrate with great care in what way this projection and vivification occur through an imagination that not only materializes some fundamental archetypes of the human imagination, but also seeks to organize them through original poems in its form of presenting the poetic discourse, giving here a different contribution of the mythical or religious discourse, privileged places, since always, where the symbolic functions also manifest themselves

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The fundamental question developed in this research is to consider the possible meanings of biopolitics in the thought of Michel Foucault. In the first chapter of this study seeks to examine the rationality of biopower. It is able to show the rationality of acting as a social machinery for the manufacture of the subjectivity of individuals, biopolitics as a producer of bodies and subjectivity. The theme of biopolitics appears as inspiration of Nietzsche's metaphor of war. The idea that history is the war for dominance of the bodies. In the second chapter, the (bio) political will and political thought of resistance, fighting criticism as an attitude of revolt of the subject before his condition subjugated. The biopolitical here is intended as a conceptual tool for reading the thought / Foucault's work. A resistance that can be thought of as a biopolitical as a "refractoriness reflected". The third chapter will seek to show how the Foucault argues that power was already present the ethics of self-care. If the subject is a product, is captured by the discourse of biopower that manufactures its subjectivity, self care, it's time to think about the inner contents. Self care is something that offers resistance, as a possibility to think that these contents are constructed historically, and that therefore it is possible to reestablish the self-care is a policy of fighting these sedimented content that promotes colonization of the subjects. You can move from ruler to ruled itself, although this pursuit of liberty is always unfinished, always be a tension, a desire for freedom that can be undertaken not as a state, but at least the minimum and temporarily in other forms of existence, and other ways of relating, other ways of sociability, friendship, sexuality

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This study aims to analyze the process of resignification of Chile Street, in Natal, from the development of a music scene in the late 1990s. Chile Street, as part of the Historic Centre of Natal, had its images constructed from the discursive practices and everyday life of its regular visitors, leading to a series of symbolic and imaging transformations throughout the twentieth century. Initially transformed into glamorous space as a result of urban actions of the new republic of Albuquerque Maranhão, in the early twentieth century, Ribeira and Chile Street, specifically, came to be seen as bohemian area, during the war time"; followed by a marginal phase, it was eventually transformed into the main rocker area of Natal, with the development of a musical scene in the second half of the 1990s. This music scene, its practices, economic interests, cultural events and identity ties created among their practitioners made Chile Street, "in the time of Blackout night club", an "alternative" space. As the historic centers, inserted in the logic of postmodern city marketing, both spaces are dynamic in their practices, as in their images, Chile Street also suffered changes in its meanings and symbols, around the year 2000 when the alternative-underground space became a pop space, where people from various parts of the city began attending its events and places, transforming it into a point of very heterogeneous sociability

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This research aimed to analyze the forms of ownership and use of urban land in Cidade Nova, third official neighborhood of Natal (Rio Grande do Norte), between 1901 and 1929. During this period, the city and state authorities began an urban renewal, trying to transform the city, represent it as a new, modernized, able to track the progress and the new political condition of the capital of a republican state. It is observed in Cidade Nova construction of a new material and symbolic territory: the area that was once occupied by huts built by refugees of drought and some summer houses, was, from 1901, transformed, scanned through a urban plan. In Natal various municipal resolutions published between 1901-1929, showed the desires of the group leader to build on Cidade Nova neighborhood a delightful, modernized its structures to reflect the new political condition of the capital of a republican state. The analyzes of the edicts of the materials published in the newspapers A Republica and Diário do Natal, and especially the study of letters of aforamento, demonstrated how many laws were not enforced or resignified, highlighting the existing continuities. Thus, throughout the paper aims to examine how this territory was occupied and used by its inhabitants, such as the granting of land in aforamento may exemplify this practice and noncompliance and how the land was used to consolidate relations of influence and power. After all, the values given to a space, turning it into territory, resulting from the social dimension of this space, in other words, the social categories that use it. Cannot be, therefore, analyze the ways of appropriation and use of urban land in the third neighborhood of Natal without studying individuals who appropriated and used this territory. The study of the allocation of extant aforamentos of land located in this neighborhood process demonstrated the formation of a specific type of market that were at stake not only economic exchanges, but also, and above all symbolic exchanges involving political and social capital. The analysis of such personnel developed market with the lands of Cidade Nova may indicate the existing relations of power between state government, Stewardship and tenants, providing a significant example of this modernization Natal early twentieth century process, guided by a more wealthy group and influential and characterized by limited social changes

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The objective of this study is to discuss the process of building a family monumentalization Albuquerque Maranhão showed that both the traditional historiography of Rio Grande do Norte, represented by Tavares de Lyra, Rocha Pombo e Câmara Cascudo, as reflected in urban areas of Natal. To understand this process, we intend to analyze the production of the aforementioned authors as well as more recent studies, trying to discern or identify an attempt to link them to the family name to the history of Albuquerque Maranhão State, which ended up giving visibility to this group, making it the characters featured in the scenario of local history, investing them with a monumental character. In addition to historical analysis, we observe changes in the urban landscape of the city of Natal in the early twentieth century orchestrated by members of this family, which tied his line to public spaces for a new and modern city. Through this review, we will be able to realize that such practices turned out to be a stage of political disputes between Albuquerque Maranhão and opposition groups who were anxious to remove them both from the center of historical narratives on the Rio Grande do Norte, as well as the political space of the State environment exclusive domain of this group for nearly twenty years

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Introduction: This work intents to characterize behavioral indicators of tack to the hemodialysis treatment in a sample of carrying patients of chronic kidney failure (CKF) in the great Natal/RN. The therapeutical adherence represents the agreement degree between the patient behavior and the health team lapsings. The CKF is the gradual and irreversible loss of the renal function, being the hemodialysis treatment an important alternative to assist or to substitute the kidneys. Method: The sample consisted in 80 chronic kidney patients in hemodialysis treatment in two located clinical centers in the region of the great Natal, RN. It was used as instruments (a) a protocol of clinical data collection, (b) the Millon Index of Personality Styles (MIPS) and (c) a script of halfstructuralized interview. Results: The results show a balance between the genders (51% of female and 48.8% of the male sex), average age and equal average time of dialysis respectively to the 43,4 years (±13,25 years) and 22,04 years (±4,24 years). The marital status of half of the sample is married, predominating basic education (43.6%) and a familiar income until a minimum wage (43.8%). It had been defined six physicianlaboratorial indicators to evaluate the therapeutical adherence, further the use of the evaluation of the health team and the patient themselves. Thus, there was an average adherence around 55.97% of the sample ±18.37%). However only between selfassessment of the patients about the adherence and the assessment made by blood pressure post-dialysis indicated a significant association (p=0,029, qui-square test). On the other hand, there was a significant association (p <0.05, chi-square test) among the criteria for treatment adherence and issues investigated in the interview - the perception on the quality of the health services provided to patients, the difficulties following the prescribed diet, the characterization of the days between dialysis sessions and the perception of patients about the dialysis sessions. It was also noted a significant association (p <0.05, Levene test) between adherence to therapy and scales that constitute the MIPS. The health team characterized the patients more adherent behavior as an attitude of acceptance of the treatment, looking actively for their implementation, for more information and knowledge, and establishing a positive communication with the team and with other patients. Similar results were confirmed by the MIPS evaluation. According to that assessment the more compliant patients adopt a more optimistic attitude, trying to act or adapt themselves to their environment, processing cognitively both concrete and objective information, such as more speculative and symbolic information. In addition they establish a gregarious, cooperative, submissive and flexibly pattern of interpersonal relationships to social demands. These characteristics managed to explain 55.7% of the adherence variation according the health team and 23.3% of the variation according the CaxP laboratory indicator. Conclusions: The MIPS shown to be able to identify the most and least adherent to therapy patients. The use of different adherence indicators is important for an evaluation covering the different facets of this process. The adhesion levels are observed within registered by the relevant literature. There is need for further studies with a larger sample to deepen the data findings in this work

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This study focuses on two issues, the process of subjectivity production and the exercise of friendship alongside political militancy in the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST). Friendship is here understood as the social practice with the potential to question certain modes of socially formed relationships as well as their becoming a political exercise. The political militancy phenomenon is problematized based on the subjectivity production perspective. The objective of the study was to construct acartography of the subjectivity production processes with political activists of the MST and to highlight the points in which the exercise of friendship enhances the appearance of singularity in the context of this militancy. The cartography is a research method that permits the identification of macro political, as well as micro political forces that interfere in a psychosocial context, such as the MST. The participants were members of an MST group that participated in a Pedagogy course coordinated by the Department of Education of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte. The other participants were militants involved in political formation activities at the social base, as well as in the other levels of the MST in the states of Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Ceará, Minas Gerais and Paraná. The results are linked to the oscillate incorporation of the landless identity model that occurs as a group of disciplinary strategies are put in practice in the political formation activities with militants, as well as the ways of model evation are formed. This occurs to the extent that new demands and forms of invested desires beyond the land object are incorporated in the MST. Such singular processes happen in three areas of the political exercise of friendship articulation: the masses, where there is a possibility for the MST to construct a new social collectivity; gender relations, where the socially destined space for women is redimensionized and; sexual diversity, which provokes the MST to follow its potential in questioning the actual hegemonic living modes. It is therefore considered that the MST has a great opportunity to become an important mediator of contemporary social and political struggles

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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary

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The work of the professional of social worker in social security policy, it is seen wrapped in an adverse situation to consolidate the ethical-political project work, marked by the materialization of the neoliberal policy essentially promotes the reduction of social rights historically achieved by the class struggle worker. In this sense, with the aim of analyzing the statement of work of the Social Worker in Social Security, their struggles and challenges to the realization of rights, against the current situation is that it renders the theoretical basis of the discussions to be fought. Thus, we performed procedures such as methodological research literature and documents in detail of our analytical categories in order to base the discussion on social security policy. The survey area covered was the Executive Management of Social Security Mossoró and Natal, representing a total of 07 (seven) surveyed social workers who work in the Department of Social Work. Thus, the research allowed us a comparison with the work of Social Workers and this allowed us to reach some conclusions: first, the fact that Social Security does not guarantee in its entirety, the conditions necessary for the work of Social Worker, taking into account the lack of human and material resources for its realization, and the virtual absence of professional secrecy, and second, that the social workers surveyed say the ethical-political project of Social Work, in exercise professional from engaging in projects and social movements related to the protection of social rights and working class, thirdly, that the statement of professional design, contributes to the formation of a new professional activities, based on an analysis of whole and an action more interventionist, critical and purposeful, able to relate to the interests of users who seek their services, the consolidation and socialization of social rights. Thus, the direction of the work of professional of social worker to support the theoretical and methodological maturity in recent years acquired the expertise and ethical-political daily, consolidated its space in claiming social security institution, the rights so hard fought in an environment grounded in the disintegration social struggles

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In the sociability of the capital, the challenges to the consolidation of social security as a public policy become expressive, which has implications for social security services, particularly for Social Works who works for the security and fulfillment of social rights. Therefore, in this context of denial of these rights becomes relevant the work of social worker, as a professional committed to the ethical-political project and the Matrix Theory and Methodology of Social work, which potentiate the action able to establish professional articulated strategies for the strengthening of collective struggles for equality in society. Thus, this study examines the instrumentality of social work in the contemporary world and its contribution to the realization of rights. For this, we conducted a literature review, using authors dealing with the issue, as Behring (2008), Boschetti (2003), Mota (1995), Guerra (2007) among others, as well as documentary research through laws, decrees, instructions Normative, Internal Guidelines, and especially the analysis of the Matrix itself of Social Work in welfare. We use also of paramount importance to our analysis - the field research, using techniques such as semi-structured interview and questionnaire. The research enables the identification of important aspects of the subject studied, as the understanding of professionals about the instrumentality of Social Works in its ethical-political aspects, both theoretical and methodological and technicaloperative. The demands made by the managers for the profession on the sociooccupational have extrapolated the powers and duties of the Law Regulating the Profession and the Matrix of Social Work in welfare. The subjects of this study emphasize the role of social category of the National Institute of Social Security and the Federal Council of Social Service in defense of Social Works. The knowledge of social and institutional framework is critical to building control strategies that strengthen social security and public policy, the guarantor of social rights for workers in Brazil

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The provident rights were results of intense fights in between the capital and work, claiming the interventions of the state for the creation of an ample social protection system. In Brazil the law, Providence Social mark, dated 1923, from then on, the advances and extensions were many, of this diverse categories of politics. Mean while, in the 1990 s, the Brazilian government adopted the examples of other developed countries, the new pattern that hinted the realization of substantial changes on the states purpose, the reached rights and the proper organization of working classes. For the Social Providence, the principal loses turned out in 1998 and 2003; respectively in FHC governments and Lula, with the realization of two counter reforms that restricted the provident rights and motivated the privatization of public providence. In the scenery, the CUT, one of the representative organizations from working classes, founded in 1983, that has always itself with changed direction, from fighting to negotiating. This inflection determined the proposition of the center before the offers of the counter reforms, of Social Providence. The present work has the objective to analyze the social politic content of the fights from Brazilian union movement in the period of the conquests and disassembled rights and, to analyze the proposition, acting and offers from CUT in the counter reform period from Providence in the Government FHC and Lula. To perform this study beyond the essential bibliographical revision to found and deepen the subject, we use, the documental search through the internet pages, resolutions, informations and others publications from CUT. Using CUT in the governments worked in an elegant way, the FHC government against-reforms, showed itself through diverse actions, even though they didn t have homogeneous inside, contrary the neoliberalists politicians from this government, also the offers and precaution changers. While during the reign of Lula it shoved itself priority negociative and propositive

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Health policies in Brazil, the decentralization of SUS management responsibilities for the three spheres of government has driven the creation and regulation of the audits of health services in the National Audit Office, this is a trend of neoliberal policies imposed by international bodies like the World Bank and IMF to peripheral countries characterized by productive restructuring and reforming the state focuses on the presence of two competing projects in the area of health: Health Sector Reform Project which is based on the democratic rule of law with the assumption of health as social right and duty of the State in defending the extension of the conquest of rights and democratization of access to health care guaranteed through the public financing strategies and the effective decentralization of decisions pervaded by social control and privatized Health Project which is based on the state minimum, with a reduction in social spending or in partnerships and privatization, stronger nonprofit sector, subject to capitalist interests, is made effective through strategies targeting health policy and refilantropização actions. In this context, the present study is an analysis on the work of social audits of public health in infants from a qualitative and quantitative approach, embodied by the critical method of dialectical Marxist social theory that enabled us to unveil the characterization, the demands, challenges and outline the profile of Social Work in teams inserted audits of SUS in RN, but also provided evidence to demonstrate the prospects and possibilities of this area of activity of social workers. It was also found that through the audit work that the state fulfill its role as bureaucratic and regulator of health services with efficiency, effectiveness and economy. Yet, paradoxically, the audits of SUS may provide a vehicle for enforcing rights and ensuring the fundamental principles contained in the project of health reform, because it can be configured in a space of political struggle as representing a new field of knowledge production that needs to be appropriate for a theoretical critic able to redirect the social interests in favor of the user. From this perspective, it is concluded that the work of social audits of public health in infants despite the social relevance that prints, as they constitute an activity study of reality and its transformation proposition requires a transformative political action guided the discussion Marxist theory holds that the ethical project professional politician of Social Work

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This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work