53 resultados para Movimentos sociais - Santarém (PA)


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This discourse analyzes the technical assistance concerning the rural settlement, which is seen as a demand of the social movement that claims for agrarian reformation, and is a goal of II PNRA, launched in may 2004, as a essential national public politics on process of building and consolidation of settlement and familiar agriculture, proposing the return of technical assistance service and rural extension in Brazil, which were started in the and of 1940 s. We analyze, in particular, the technical assistance program, social and environmental agrarian reformation, on model settlement, a program created, especially, to the rural settlements, coordinated by INCRA. Based on the documental analyze and local study, it is noticed that the experience of technical assistance implemented on model settlement shows the non continuation and fragility on technical assistance actions to rural workers. This context goes against the lately technical assistance governmental apparatus, which ensures to make settlements stronger, to support and to get important the familiar agriculture system. This way, technical assistance execution, trough the tertiary service, follows the neoliberal strategy and, the State, besides decreases the estimate to public politics, takes its actions control from the State to the shared control through partnership and transferring of responsibility, expressing its historic lack of attention to the worker class demands. In spite of workers resistance, expectative and hope, the lack of these services, as well as the other politics deficiencies, which are necessary to the settlements, are endangering its activities and threatening its survival in the settlement

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The work of the professional of social worker in social security policy, it is seen wrapped in an adverse situation to consolidate the ethical-political project work, marked by the materialization of the neoliberal policy essentially promotes the reduction of social rights historically achieved by the class struggle worker. In this sense, with the aim of analyzing the statement of work of the Social Worker in Social Security, their struggles and challenges to the realization of rights, against the current situation is that it renders the theoretical basis of the discussions to be fought. Thus, we performed procedures such as methodological research literature and documents in detail of our analytical categories in order to base the discussion on social security policy. The survey area covered was the Executive Management of Social Security Mossoró and Natal, representing a total of 07 (seven) surveyed social workers who work in the Department of Social Work. Thus, the research allowed us a comparison with the work of Social Workers and this allowed us to reach some conclusions: first, the fact that Social Security does not guarantee in its entirety, the conditions necessary for the work of Social Worker, taking into account the lack of human and material resources for its realization, and the virtual absence of professional secrecy, and second, that the social workers surveyed say the ethical-political project of Social Work, in exercise professional from engaging in projects and social movements related to the protection of social rights and working class, thirdly, that the statement of professional design, contributes to the formation of a new professional activities, based on an analysis of whole and an action more interventionist, critical and purposeful, able to relate to the interests of users who seek their services, the consolidation and socialization of social rights. Thus, the direction of the work of professional of social worker to support the theoretical and methodological maturity in recent years acquired the expertise and ethical-political daily, consolidated its space in claiming social security institution, the rights so hard fought in an environment grounded in the disintegration social struggles

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Can be declared that throughout the historical trajectory of the Brazilian Social Work, the men in the Social Work profession, women in the Social Work profession in his/her professional activity, present an educational dimension that runs through various social and occupational spaces, particularly in the area of Social Assistance Policy. Based on this premise, this present Dissertation, problematize the educational dimension present on the interventional process, in Social Work on the ambit of the Social Assistance Policy in Natal / RN city Brazil in the contemporary scene. Having thus, specific objectives that orientate the research of the interventional process of Social Work in the social assistance policy, analyzing of the apprehension of Social Work professionals on the educational dimension, in their daily work professional and the verification of the relationship between the educational dimension, to the professional action of both men in the Social Work profession and women in the Social Work profession and the concretization of social rights on the ambit of the social assistance policy. In this sense, the theoretical and methodological procedures used for this research, are substantiated on a critical-dialectical perspective and a qualitative and quantitative approach, from of the application of field research, of the non-participant observation, of the semi-structure, of the review of literature bibliographic and documental. Thus, considering that both women in the social work profession and men in the social work profession are an organic intellectuals who in their daily professional work promotes an intellectual and moral reform of their users, the results of this research, synthesize and show that the educational dimension in both professional work and social assistance, which have partner-historics, whose imbrication allows, contradictorily, by a side, a reaffirmation of the dominant culture, and by other side, a direction linked to the construction of an emancipatory culture in the pursuit of the materializing of social rights and a new sociability

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A dissertação versa sobre a Política de Assistência Estudantil e o processo de luta pela democratização do acesso à universidade, no contexto de expansão do ensino superior em tempos de crise estrutural do capital. Apresenta como unidade de análise as particularidades da pós-graduação em Serviço Social da UFRN e tem como objetivo principal apreender e analisar as condições de permanência disponibilizadas pela UFRN aos discentes de pós-graduação no contexto de expansão do Ensino Superior. O percurso teórico-metodológico de análise adotado na pesquisa se fundamentou numa perspectiva crítica do objeto de estudo a partir de uma concepção de totalidade, que pressupõe apreender as determinações socioeconômicas e políticas que incidem sobre a política de ensino superior e as condições de vida dos discentes do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Serviço Social (PPGSS). As análises fundamentaram-se em pesquisa bibliográfica como base teórico-metodológica da investigação, articulada com as reflexões que resultaram dos dados empíricos da pesquisa de campo na perspectiva de apreensão do objeto, em sua densidade histórica e num quadro de múltiplas determinações. Do ponto de vista metodológico foram entrevistados 26 discentes e realizada análise documental referentes a leis e documentos da política educacional em nível federal e dos organismos internacionais. A luta por ampliação do acesso à universidade está na agenda dos movimentos sociais no âmbito da educação, no entanto na conjuntura dos governos de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011 a 2012) a tendência tem sido seguir as orientações dos organismos internacionais e promover expansão de vagas sem assegurar estratégias de permanência compatíveis com as exigências de excelência acadêmica postas, por exemplo, na pós-graduação. Discentes entrevistados acessam o ensino superior e os cursos de pós-graduação e vivenciam dificuldades diárias para atender com qualidade às exigências acadêmicas em face de suas condições materiais de vida e de trabalho e dos limites da política de assistência estudantil que tem um perfil de programas e ações localizadas

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To insert environmental education in the school is a very hard task, although the question has been largely discussed since some years ago. The main object of this research is limited to the way the contents of Environmental Education are inserted in school programs, as well as to assert that, as a law, it must be put in practice not only because it is obligatory, but because it is important to school programs, especially to Acaraú´s primary and secondary schools, having in view the importance of the natural resources in which schools are inserted and the development of ways to solve problems related to the quality of life of the dwellers of these places. It is important the study of the law 9795/99 on Environmental Education, passed on July 25th, 2005, by means of the decree no. 4.281, established in the Municipal Organic Law and other documents ruling the Environmental Education. Our purpose is to give orientation on Environmental Education to the above-mentioned schools aiming at the permanent formation about that subject, in order to constitute, in the future, a real net between school and community and to spread out concepts about sustainability. This way, poverty conditions should be faced as environmental problems, bringing about the relationship between natural resources and poverty. The making of shrimp beds, predatory fishing, swamp degradation and irregular occupation constitute elements to this research. The theoretic terms are based upon principles of Environmental Education, area sustainability and inter-disciplinarily and trans-disciplinarily in Environmental Sciences, which have been applied under the form of capacities and the presentation of documents, projects, maps, discussions and reflections about the mass social movements as a positive consequence of the implementation of this project

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It understands a study made concerning the main aspects of the Agrarian Reform and the Agricultural Nestings of the Rio Grande do Norte. For in such a way an inquiry became necessary initially on the origin of the Brazilian agrarian concentration passing for the donation of Sesmarias, Land Law, Statute of Land and Ith National Plan of the Agrarian Reformation, as well as of the Social Movements of fight for the land appeared since century XIX: Canudos, Contestado, Cangaço, Ligas Camponesas and MST. Drawing the fight for the land in the Rio Grande do Norte, we rescue the component elements of the first indications of the Agrarian Reform and formation of Agricultural Nestings in the State. In the attempt to unmask the current situation of the Settlements, we investigate some concerning aspects to the conditions of life of the seated ones, that it is marked by innumerable problems that go since the lack of water until the a precariousness of the infrastructure and presence of services, over all with relation to the education and health. For in such a way we work initially on the basis of diverse bibliographical readings, together data-collecting the official agencies and some directly involved entities with the Agrarian Reform in the RN. We utilized also the research of field in 27 Settlements of different Microregions of the State that consisted of the application of interviews together to the leaderships of these Settlements and application of forms with the seated families who resulted in a bigger knowledge concerning the reality of these areas that integrate the Politics of the Agrarian Reform

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the street demonstrations occurred last June and July 2013, which appear as samples of the hegemonic fights in course in Brazil, during the so-called Big Wave of the social groups in conflict nowadays in the country. Among other questions, this study tries to explain how the varied stages of these fighting groups influenced their late ones. For that, it takes into consideration the bibliography available not only on these groups, but also on the social and political contemporary Brazil. That is why it evaluates political documents, as well as opinion pieces, news and others disseminated by the press or by political groups. Speeches made by political leaderships, as, for example, that one the President Dilma Roussef made on 21 July 2013, deserves close analysis. This also applies to contributions made by secondary data, poll institutions and IBGE’s socio-economic data. Categories and concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s political sociology are used here as theoretic bases. In fact, it favors the hypothesis that, during the dispute for the intellectual and moral command of demonstrations on July 2013, a certain middle-class conservative ideology emerged on scene. This group conquered the agreement of hegemonic mass media acting now as a political party, here designated as media party. These media resorted to platforms preexistent to the demonstration movements, especially their rejection to political organizations and programs in order to ascend as the demonstrations’ leaders along a certain period in which corruption appeared as the central theme of these efforts, while the government tried to get control of the situation. In view of the several forces and issues at stake, the present study contributes to the discussion about the current reality in Brazil and its perspectives, without losing sight of the centrality of the June Movements as political and ideological milestones

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The results of the research systematized on this analysis sought apprehend the linkage of the socio-educational service network, destined to adolescents who comply with socioeducational measure of confinement, in the region of the Seridó of the state of the Rio Grande do Norte, especially in the city of Caicó, central town of this region. The achievement of this study was stimulated by the interest in unraveling the contradictory reality imposed by neoliberal State, sparing the guarantee of rights, especially to these teens, who are seen as authors of violations and are stigmatized by capitalist society. The research was carried in the period July-September 2013, under critical perspective, using the documental analysis and the observational techniques and interviews with professionals of the Educational Center (CEDUC), of the Unified Health System (SUS), of the Social Policies of Social Assistance, and of the State Department of Education, which should make the service network that gravitates around the National System of Socio-educational Services (SINASE). The Statute of Children and Adolescents (ECA) and SINASE define that the application of socioeducational measures cannot occur isolated of the public policies, becoming indispensable the linkages of the system with the social policies of social assistance, education and health. However, it was observed that the neoliberal logic of the capitalist State has developed broken, disconnected, focal and superficial social policies, who fail give effect to the rights acquired beyond the legal sphere. In this perspective, it is possible affirm that the everyday of the Brazilian poor teens is marked by the action of the State, which aims to control those who disturb the order of capital, who threaten the production, the market, the consume and the private property. This way, actions are promoted criminalizing poverty and imprint a legal action over this expression of the social issue to the detriment of social policies that meet the real needs of adolescents. Face of this reality, it becomes necessary to put on the agenda of the here and now to fight for rights, aiming at a broad public debate involving professionals, researchers and social movements in support of the viability of rights, which aims to support reflections and to strengthen ways to confront this social problem. With the approximations of this study, it was learned that the struggle for rights is a fight for another project of society, beyond what is laid.

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The Environmental Education is a plural and diversified knowledge field, composed by a group of social agents of specific State, government and civil society sectors, with different world views and theoretical matrices that exercised and influenced its genealogy and constitutive dynamic. The Environmental Education – while specific knowledge field – has been produced, systematized and diffused in Brazil in the last decades by official State organisms, through public policies, as well as by social movements of popular education, and constitutes a large and historical movement about the environmental question, that was worldwide projected in the 1960 decade (the environmentalist movement). Concerning the creation of public policies and specific programs to the Environmental Education, in the scope of the governmental initiative, the approval of the National Policy of Environmental Education, by means of the Law n. 9.795/99 – together with its regulatory decree, the Decree nº 4.281 – represents the consolidation of a inclusion process of the environmental dimension in the educational field. These normative acts, beyond charging the public power with the incumbency to define public policies that incorporate the environmental dimension and to promote the Environmental Education in all education levels, also charge the educational institution with the duty of promoting this component in an integrated and articulated way with the educational programs that such institutions develop. In this context, it is aimed to identify and analyze under the light of the dialectical and historical materialism, the practices and concepts developed under the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), with regard to its institutional policy on Environmental Education, relating it to establishing the Pnea. The analysis by means specific legislation on the subject and institutional documents UFRN. The research showed that, in general, the National Environmental Education Policy has limits to its effectiveness given the absence of specific funding for this purpose and the little government involvement in that the Brazilian State assumes, by through effective policies, the material conditions of financing actions with respect to this field of education. The fragmented and disjointed way the analyzed actions are developed constitutes a limit to the challenge for the UFRN implement, consistently and objectively, an Environmental Education policy, which can be monitored and evaluated as an effective public policy, both landmarks major goal of own Pnea as the demands of development whose agenda a critical environmental perspective.

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This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.

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This study aims to bring reflection on the legitimacy crisis of the Brazilian representative democracy, which results in non-attendance of fundamental rights, regarding legal and social facts in light of the existing constitutional order and seeking solutions in more democratic procedures and in a more humane, critical, democratic and collaborative education. It has been an issue for some time the understanding that the authorities do not meet the basic needs of Brazilian citizens - the only way to make them autonomous and sufficiently able to conduct their lives in a competitive and globalized labor market. Such situation only worsened - as illustrated by the social movements in mid-2013 - when people took to the streets, showing a noticeable dissatisfaction with public services in general, and some other groups presenting specific complaints in those events. To find solutions or at least suggestions for the reflection of the problem found, a current approach to public authorities was necessary attempting to reveal how the constitutional order authorizes their operation and how - in fact - they act. In this endeavour, the legitimacy of power was discussed, involving the analysis of its origin, to whom it belongs and the legitimacy of deficit situations, concluding that it is only justified as it gets more democratic influence, with greater participation of people in its deliberations and decisions, with its plurality and complexity. Research carried out by official institutions was necessary to have evidence of the low level of social development of the country and the nonattendance of minimum basic rights, as well as exposure to various acts and omissions which show that all public authorities do not legitimately represent the people's interests. The competence of the Supreme Court to establish the broader scope of the remuneration policy in the public service received proper attention, presenting itself as an effective means to promote the reduction of the remuneration and structural inequality in public service and contributing to better care of fundamental rights. Also, considerations were made about the Decree 8243/2014, which established the National Policy for Social Participation (NPSP) and the National System of Social Participation (NSSP) and took other measures with the suggestion of its expansion into the legislative and judiciary powers as a way to legitimize the Brazilian democracy, considering its current stage. In conclusion, it is presented the idea expressed by the most influential and modern pedagogical trends for the creation of a participatory, solidary, non-hierarchical and critical culture since the childhood stage. This idea focuses on the resolution of questions addressed to the common good, which considers the complexity and the existing pluralism in society with a view to constant knowledge update. Knowledge update is in turn dynamic and requires such action, instilling - for the future generations - the idea that the creation of a more participatory and collaborative democracy is needed to reduce social inequality as a way to legitimize and promote social welfare, with the implementation of a policy devoted to meet the minimum fundamental rights to ensure dignity to the population.

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The present study was to apprehend the controversies that underlie the political organization of the category nowadays. The research established time frame as the decade from 2003 to 2013, more precisely the situation that opens with Lula's election to the Presidency and its repercussions for the Brazilian left, social movements and for the category. Through documentary research, we studied the professional aspects that are organized politically in different fields , notably the Federal Council of Social Service (CFESS) and the National Federation of Social Workers (FENAS). Seeking to understand their relationship with the Ethical - Political Project of the profession, public documents were analyzed expressing the political positions of these entities, placing the controversies and political differences between them and understanding the political organization as a means to building professionals and corporate projects many.

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This research aims to understand how the affective components involved in transgender relations with documents constitute specific ways in which these people recognize themselves and build their bodies and their paths, their life projects and their relationship with others. We understand that the documents, if the personal identification or those produced by social movements, legal actors and health and the State, are experienced by trans people beyond administrative functions that are initially thought, but also involve a series of emotional experiences mark their subjective processes, in how these people produce themselves and design in the world their sociality networks. We elected as research field two institutions located in the city of João Pessoa (Paraíba State), noting the intense institutional movement, political, social in favor of the rights of transexuals that have occurred in that city in recent years. Thus, the Rights Reference Centre for LGBT and Fight Against Homophobia (Espaço LGBT) and Health Clinic of Transvestites and Transexuals (Ambulatório de Saúde de Travestis e Transexuais) were the spaces where we find our interlocutors and analyze their experiences with the documents noting two key aspects: the search for first name change in the civil registry and the relationship of trans people with documents produced by the health policies and services such as protocols, records, receipts and psychiatric reports. We realized that although there is disagreement about the perception that our interlocutors have on the documentation that regulates health services, all reported experiencing embarrassment in social situations when you have those who make use of a document that is not consistent with the performance and “social face” taken. In addition to the reports of embarrassment, we saw that the discussion of social distress and trauma has grounded the platforms of social movements, public policy, legal processes and become “narratives of pains” that present strong potential micro-political on demand for rights to “trans people”.

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This paper aims to understand the specifics of the network communication and the logic of articulation of social insurgencies in contemporary inferred from the rizome concept coined by Felix Guattari and Gilles Deleuze and the multitude as preach Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. To do so, it raises the processes and practices of political bodies, reaching lines and common strategies of operation. Unless the specifics, it is possible to draw a continuous and rizomatic communication that traverses both bodies enrolled in institutionalized democracy, as the spanish movement-party Podemos and the greek coalition Syriza, as the autonomous collectives, such as the Movimento Passe Livre, fighting for universal public, free and quality transport, and the free media initiatives Media Ninja and Catarina Santos, willing to understand the social movements. The constitutional amendment of this model of communication networking seems to be the desire to radicalization of democracy, the bias of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, as a strategic and common struggle. Indeed, speaking specifically of free media, they are built from here processes that take place in understanding the agency of the bodies as relevant to political action toward the radical democracy project, and the use of free softwares, the communicator-protester agency, the performance, the collective experience.

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A Saúde do Trabalhador (ST) refere-se a um campo do saber que compreende as relações entre o trabalho e o processo saúde/doença de modo articulado a um corpo de práticas teóricas interdisciplinares. No contexto das possibilidades para se efetivar a ST na amplitude que exige este conceito, diferentes iniciativas de Educação Popular em Saúde se articulam com demandas do Controle Social em Saúde, permitindo novas abordagens para configurar a formação crítica e ativa de trabalhadores de saúde e movimentos sociais no mosaico das políticas de ST. Nessa direção, os projetos de extensão universitária orientados pela Educação Popular têm desvelado caminhos metodológicos e novas possibilidades teóricas de pensar a Atenção à Saúde do Trabalhador, de forma articulada com a necessidade de re-significar o processo de formação dos profissionais da saúde, com ênfase no cuidado integral na atenção à saúde. O estudo promovido por ocasião do Doutoramento em Ciências da Saúde propiciou a avaliação do impacto e da potência das ações destes projetos na reorientação do cuidado guiado pela educação popular no campo da saúde do trabalhador. A sistematização foi utilizada como principal estratégia metodológica para a produção dos dados analisados, além de estratégias de pesquisa qualitativa como constituintes da fase exploratória do estudo, tendo como técnica central, nesse sentido, o grupo focal. Os resultados mostraram mudanças significativas no processo do cuidar em saúde guiado pela educação popular, A reorientação de práticas e saberes, coadunadas aos princípios fundamentais do Sistema Único de Saúde, foi observada nos sujeitos que participaram da experiência. A sistematização da experiência permitiu ainda concluir que estratégias de diálogo, organização político-social e troca de experiências de vida se apresentam como cenário significativo no compartilhamento de cultura e saúde do trabalhador, oportunizando crescimento coletivo e melhor qualidade de vida.