95 resultados para Movimentos rurais e mulher: identidade política e participação feminina
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Este trabajo analizó el protagonismo de los Movimientos Sociales en el proceso de construcción y de aprobación del Plan Nacional de Educación (PNE 2014 - 2014) con énfasis en las metas para da Educación Universitaria. Las cuestiones que problematizan la investigación son: ¿En qué contexto histórico los Movimientos Sociales asumieron el acceso a la educación universitaria com o un derecho social? ¿Qué protagonistas se involucraron en el debate sobre la política de educación universitaria en el PNE (2014 - 2024)? ¿Qué confrontaciones y antagonismos están presentes allí? ¿Cuál es el papel de los Movimientos Sociales en la Conferenc ia Nacional de Educación (CONAE) y en el Foro Nacional de Educación (FNE)? Para contestarlas, articulamos la política educacional propuesta por el PNE con las reivindicaciones históricas de los Movimientos Sociales por el acceso a la educación como un dere cho social, evidenciando el proceso de construcción de las directrices, las metas y las estrategias en los contextos políticos de articulación, proposición y reivindicación en los que se produjo la actuación de los protagonistas para la elaboración y la ap robación de esta política, tanto cuanto los antagonismos identificados. Como aporte teórico/metodológico adoptamos como objeto de estudio empírico los procesos de construcción y aprobación del mencionado PNE dentro de los espacios de participación colectiv a, en la construcción de acuerdos y proposiciones como la Conferencia Nacional de Educación realizada en 2010 en Brasilia/DF, las conferencias municipales, intermunicipales y de los Estados, el Foro Nacional de Educación (FNE) y la Comisión Especial de la Cámara Federal que lo antecedieron. Para el análisis de los documentos y de los testimonios de los protagonistas de los Movimientos Sociales seleccionados como sujetos de la investigación, los guías teóricos y los fundamentos conceptuales fueron la sociolo gía de las ausencias, la sociologías de las emergencias y el procedimiento de traducción propuesto por Boaventura Santos ( 2005; 2006; 2007; 2010), en diálogo con otros guías teóricos, como las nociones de confrontación política y oportunidad política organ izadas por Sidney Tarrow (2009). Partiendo de esa base conceptual, privilegiamos la relación de los Movimientos Sociales con la agenda de la educación brasileña cuando direccionados al PNE, analizada en base a las contribuciones de Germano (2013; 2011; 200 8; 2007; 1982), Dourado (2011; 2010; 2006); Saviani (2014; 2010; 2009; 2007; 2004,), Gohn (2012; 2010; 1997; 1995), Dagnino (1994) y Scherer - Warren (1993), entre los autores que contribuyen con el carácter transdisciplinario de esta investigación. Las cont ribuciones de estos autores propician el entendimiento de la diversidad epistemológica encontrada en las experiencias llevadas adelante en los Movimientos Sociales mediante sus actuaciones en los diversos espacios sociales e institucionales, observando las conquistas obtenidas en la política educacional contenida en el PNE 2014 - 2024, así como la comprensión de la lucha por el reconocimiento social y sus conexiones con los temas emergentes presentes en el debate de la educación nacional. De este modo, el est udio indica elementos que posibilitaron la confirmación de la tesis de que la Política de Educación Universitaria aprobada en el PNE 2014 - 2024 (Ley nº 13.005/2014) representa las resonancias de las movilizaciones y reivindicaciones de los Movimientos Socia les por el acceso a la educación como un derecho social inalienable.
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This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.
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The organizations are characterized as dynamic spaces, they are being revisited and redefined, because they constitute structural human spaces and new vain outlines won expression. As it begins, of the non consensus in its conception, it is explicit the complexity degree that is identified in the plurality and diversity, brought by the people that compose them, characterizing it as accomplishment space, of happiness and also of conflict, of relationships of power and organizational limits and from birth and burial of faiths, values, norms, symbols, knowledge and rituals, therefore, deeply human. In that way, to know the administration of the organization is preponderant condition for the format of the human relationships to be delineated in its living. Like this the work makes an option in knowing the social administration, this work tries to know and analyze the values and beginnings of the social administration; revealling characteristics and specificities of the organizational performance of UNIPOP that contribute to the formation of the conception of Social Administration, it tends as source of the information the managers of the institution; to identify the formative values of UNIPOP that contribute to the youths' partner-political action in the community, tends for reference the current students of the organization and last to evaluate values structurates and supporting that interconnection between the organizational Administration, formation youth's program, participation and autonomy and attendance, starting from the existences gained by the exits, of that program. This way, the research will be qualitative, looking for understanding starting from their documents, the existence of those values
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The globalization of markets has confirmed for the processes of change in organizations both in structure and in management. This dynamic was also observed in credit unions because they are financial institutions and are under the rules of the Brazil´s Financial System. Given the context of organizational changes in the financial capital has played the traditional management reform is urgent. In organizations credit unions, given its dual purpose, because in the same organizational environment and capitalism coexist cooperative whose logics are antagonistic, but can live through the balance between instrumental rationality and substantive rationality in credit unions. Based on this concept a new form of management should be thought to be able to accommodate the demand of cooperative, community, government and the market. Hybridization has been observed in management practices` COOPERUFPA into dimensions financial, social and solidarity participation with a trend in paradigmatic form of hybrid management, in that it directly or indirectly affect the management decisions in the credit union. The hybrid management is a trend that has been setting the basis for societal transformation, so that credit unions promote actions of welfare oriented cooperative members and the community around the same time that attend the dynamics of market globalization. These actions, in the context of hybrid management should be implemented by COOPERUFPA from the sociability of the remains and the wide diffusion of solidarity culture between cooperative partnership as a way to recover their participation in trade relations, financial and the social collective developement. For the members of COOPERUFPA financial interest is evidenced in greater relevance for the social interest given its dominant relationship as "mere customer" of the credit union, however, the proactive participation of the life of the cooperative credit union is one of its expectative among of participation of to share power in decisions by general meetings. This passivity`s cooperator of the COOPERUFPA in defending the ideals overshadowed the spread of cooperative principles and values of cooperation among them. Thus his conception for COOPERUFPA in the financial dimension, social and solidarity democracy, performed transversely. The COOPERUFPA for not developing an education policy for the cooperation among its members, contributed to a process of collective alienation of cooperative ideals, since the cooperative do not understand the reality that surrounds them as members of an organization whose mission is to social and financial sustainability of its members
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The Women s experiences in the private sphere under the work s field changes the family relationship allowing them more freedom, autonomy and independence. The inequalities, socially built, homemade women s obligations results in discrimination, difficult to insert and recovery on female s job in a job s market, including low salary if compared with men s and difficult to services access in addiction a difficult daily life and in domestic sphere. The women s organisation in productive groups or economically solidary enterprises (ESE) torn possible the social economically organisations and politicians to promote deep changes in a domestically e socially relationship, positioning, for example, women s in publics areas and in the rout of emancipation. The objective of this search are understand men and women relationship in the family agriculture s field starts insert women in economically solidary enterprises (ESE) on Mulunguzinho s settlement (Mossoró/RN). The theoretical framework is inspirited Economical Solidary concept kind division s job and women s empowerment. This search had a qualitative character and exploration through case s study on Mulheres decididas a vencer s group. The secondary information was create through theoretical framework and information collected through semi-structured interviews based in interviews applied for women and yours respective husbands by criterion for women participation on productive activities of beekeeping culture of goat and sheep. This study turns possible conclude that the women s participations in productive groups in solidary economical change significantly their life and their family life. The group s organisations process, the training was received, the collective production, the marketing and the mobilized participation to move it all was fundamental for women share with their families partners some homemade and take care with the children. This finding confirm a different aspect not economical in solidary economy overcoming the monetary value in associative relationship observing principally individuals well-being and the concern with the form of reproduction this way of life in the associated
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This study deals with the participation of the dance of São Gonçalo of the Mussuca town/SE, in the process of construction of the ethnic identity among this social group. The Mussuca is a grouping recognized as afro-descendents, linked with black enslaved people in the valley of the Cotinguiba region. The collective memory functions as a drive of this linking with the past and if it makes to elaborate narratives on this descent. The objective of this study was to investigate the ways the rite went through to constitute itself as an element of ethnic representation. Internal and external agents had been identified who had participated in different contexts. By means of an ethnographic work we ve reached some aspects of the local structure social which demonstrated the contradictions through the social relations of the group. This process of ethnic autorecognition presents the kinship and the space question as definers of the social arrangements which establish its ethnic boundaries
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Las políticas de salud destinadas a las mulheres de la comunidad quilombola de Boa Vista son, de manera general, las mismas políticas destinadas al resto de las mujeres de la región rural del Seridó norterriograndense y también las que se corresponden con regiones marginales del Brasil entero. Aquí, el cuerpo femenino es concebido bajo parámetros universalizantes que lo toman como una entidad homogénea y comparable con otros cuerpos femeninos a partir de su traducción en índices, tasas y estadísticas. En este sentido, decimos que son cuerpos desnudos, cuya intervención no considera los rasgos exteriores, aquellos llamados de culturales, como marcadores de identidad. Por otro lado, la noción de Salud de la Mujer Negra propuesta por recientes políticas de Estado a nivel nacional, se muestra inexistente en la comunidad. El cuerpo que se se exalta hoy a partir de los parámetros de reivindicación étnica es un cuerpo negro, pero también bello, jovem e sobre todo, fuerte; donde la noción de salud no penetra. De esta forma, las dos políticas conciben sujetos sociales diferentes. Sin embargo, existe otro espacio, que es el espacio de las prácticas vernáculas, en el que las mujeres experimentan la articulación entre feminilidad y negritud, pero a partir de otros parámetros local e históricamente delineados. Aquí, tanto las trayectorias de las mujeres como las redes de parentesco y cuidado locales se muestran especialmente significativas, ayudando a comprender las concepciones particulares sobre el cuerpo que imaginan y practican las mujeres de esta comunidad, y revelando la importancia de la maternidad como principio ordenador de identidades sociales. Para eso, hemos realizado un trabajo de observación participante, una serie de 30 entrevista com mujeres de Boa Vista y un estudio de las redes de parentesco organizadas alrededor del término mãe. Con esto, demostramos que existe un espacio cargado de significados sobre el cuerpo femenino y la feminilidad que es construido a partir de una interpretación local de la triple condición de mulher, de mãe y de negra
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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace
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That work looked for to point out the different conceptions on the family agriculture and the established self-consumption practices inside the unit of production. Hypothesis: due to the conditions, more and more restricted of producing for the self-consumption, the rural families are more favorable present her situation of alimentary insecurity as severe as for the urban families, unlike what he/she defends. The research was accomplished in three states of the Northeast: Paraíba; Rio Grande do Norte and Sergipe. The results revealed that among the main factors that expose those families to situations of constant alimentary vulnerability are had: the low quality of the alimentary consumption in what concerns the readiness, to the diversification and mainly, to the accessibility. The analyses can be to subsidize a reflection concerning the alimentary pattern of families rural front to the precepts of Food and Nutrition Security (FNS) politics
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The present work treats the movements dedicated to reinvidication per land and social rights for the field works, among 1960 and 1964. Trying to understand this question in the Rio Grande do Norte it is necessary to consider the connection between the catholic church and the rural syndicates besides the influence of the Brazilian communist party, and still other social movements and the state. The structures politics local, national and international, had considerable importance to the organization rural potiguares workers. The rural potiguares syndicate appear in 1961 - after a hard organization work starting of the Service of Rural Assistance - and expand itself through state until the middle of 1962. Soon the first big conflicts an important manifestation are perceive, indirectly referring to a increasing movement's performance. The Favoring Progresses chains co quested a biggest influence in the politics destiny of the Rio Grande do Norte, in front of integration among syndicates, educational projects, and favoring progress's politics. But the military coup hired that the hope overflow the field
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The current National Policy for Social Assistance (PNAS) is the instrument that regulates the organization and procedures of social-welfare actions. Developed and approved in 2004 since the Unified Social Assistance System (ITS) was crated in 2003, it reaffirms the democratic principles of the Social Assistance Organic Law (LOAS) focusing on the universalization of social rights and equality of rights when accessing the social-welfare system. In the SUAS point of view, the PNAS highlights the information, monitoring and evaluation fields for being the best way to assure the regulation, organization and control by the Federal Government paying attention to the principles of decentralization and participation. This political-institutional rearrangement occurs through the pact among all the three federal entities. The pact deals with the implementation of the task. It says that it has to be shared between the federal autonomous entities, established by dividing responsibilities. To the cities, considered as the smallest territorial unit of the federation and closer to the population, was given the primary responsibility, which is to feed and maintain the database of SUAS NETWORK and identify families living in situations of social vulnerability. In addition to these responsibilities, the cities that have full autonomy in the management of their actions, have the responsibility to organize the basic social protection and the special social protection, that using the Center of Social Assistance Reference (CRAS) and the Center of Specialized Social Assistance Reference (CREAS), are responsible for the provision of programs, projects and services that strengthen the family and community; that promote people who are able to enjoy the benefits of the Continuing benefit of Provisions (BPC) and transfer of incomes; that hold the infringed rights on its territory; that maximize the protective role of families and strengthen its users organization. In Mossoró/RN, city classified as autonomous in the social assistance management, has five units of CRAS that, for being public utilities, are considered the main units of basic social protection, since they are responsible for the connection between the other institutions that compose the network of local social protection. Also known as Family House, the CRAS, among other programs and services, offers the Integral Attention to Families Program (PAIF), Juvenile ProJovem Program, socio-educational coexistence services programs, as well as sending people to other public policies and social-welfare services network, provides information, among others. In this large field, social workers are highlighted as keys to implement the policy of social assistance within the city, followed by psychologists and educators. They should be effective public employees, as a solution to ensure that the provision of the services are to be continued, provided to the population living around the units. However, what we can find here is inattention to the standard rules of social assistance, which not only undermines the quality of programs and services, but also the consolidation of policy on welfare as public policy of social rights
UMA FONTE DE ÁGUA VIVA: A participação das mulheres no assentamento Arizona São Miguel do Gostoso-RN
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Cette étude cherche á comprendre la signification sociale de La participation des féminine dans le contexte de l organisation des périmétres de réforme agraire. Elle est construite autour de la mise en évidence des effets de cette participation dans la vie des femmes et dans les relations qu elles établissent avec leurs familles et avec la communauté du périmétre. Les données ont été obtenues á partir d observations participatives, entretiens et discussions. Elles ont permis d identifier les relations de genre et de pouvoir, construites autour du processus d organisation du périmétre de Arizona, dans la préfecture de São Miguel do Gostoso, Rio Grande do Norte, région de l étude. L analyse s est concentrée sur lês dynamiques liées á la lutte pour l accés á la terre, pour identifier différentes formes de participation de femmes et d hommes, en recherche d alternatives pour s installer dans ce contexte. On constate la participation des femmes á diverses formes d activités inhérentes á l organisation du quotidien en milieu rural, principalement pour la recherche d améliorations des conditions de vies, pour elles et leurs familles. Pour cela elles tissent des liens de solidarité et d amitié, occupent les espaces politiques et de décision, dans le périmétre de réforme agraire et de façon plus large, au niveau de la préfecture. Elles pratiquent le travail en groupe, comme forme d organisation et développent des activités productives dans le domaine de l agroécologie. On constate que les femmes ont une place essentielle dans l économie domestique et s affirment comme des acteurs productifs et sociaux. Il faut noter enfin, que cette étude est une invitation au débat, sur le quotidien de l acteur féminin dans les périmétres de réforme agraire, dans la mesure oú le substrat symbolique est avancé comme un support pour expliquer la participation différenciée de la femme dans la lutte pour la terre et dans son quotidien
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The study aims to discuss women in the priesthood pentecostalism evangelical. The role of women as agents of leadership in the religious sphere allows the discussion about the possibility of the universe as a religious area of significant changes with regard to a reduction in gender differences in the present. The participation of women as agents of leadership of churches Pentecostals is interpreted as a new option for women beyond the domestic space, however, want to clarify the existence and occurrence of on-imposed limitations and inserted in the hierarchy of female power of religious denominations, noting are fruits of a structure hierarquizante not thought of women, but from the male universe.
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This work basically achieve three goals. Critically investigate the liberal democratic regime and its historical reformulation, rejecting the popular power and popular self-organization, limiting the entry of normal citizen in decision-making, believing in the market as a mediating body in regulating of the different life spheres of social. Starting from the critical liberal democracy, it discussed the concept of popular participation in the democracy, searching new democratically horizons, where the masses could have the opportunity to make decisions about their own destiny. On the basis of theoretical discussion on participation, we discuss a concrete instrument of participation, the Participatory Budgeting, comparing two participatory experiences in North and South
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This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media