O compromisso político do serviço prestado pela Fundação Bradesco na cidade de João Pessoa

In this work we have analyzed the political commitment of the social assistance sponsored by the Bradesco Foundation in João Pessoa. This Foundation is a private institution of public interest that provides social assistance to low income populations all over Brazil. This kind of work is one of the oldest management initiatives in what is actually referred to as managers` social responsibility. This thesis assumes that managers who are in fact socially responsible should guide their actions by the principles of social democracy, so that everyone can enjoy citizens` social freedom, and guarantee their rights as well as the political awareness of social actors. Analysis of documents and a qualitative approach have been applied to the pedagogical Project of the Foundation, as well as phenomenology to study the social profile of their students. The analysis of the pedagogical project as well as the students` standpoint towards life reveals that the Bradesco Foundation is indeed committed to the social efficacy of its students. The educational proposal of the organization includes those elements that are required for teenagers` education envisaging participative citizenship. The teenagers` speech reveals that they have developed the project identity, being therefore able to take part in the process of political transformation of our time. The results indicate that the Bradesco Foundation not only guarantees some of the basic social rights for the healthy development of those who attend their courses, but also sponsors a high level education providing both a technical and a political formation

Iniqüidade em saúde: uma extensão das desigualdades sociais no sistema público de saúde do Brasil (2003-2006)

This issue analises the unevenness in the brazilian system of public health care as an extension of socials inequities. It is a theoretical study based in a historical method, using empirical camp from academic, corporation and institution researchs, along the period 2002-2006. Equality and effectiveness in health systems are analitical basic cathegories grap in the root of the doctrine, principles and organization of the Unique Health System, in which sectorial actions are inserted. Discuss the estructural prodution and determined those inequalities through some social determiners of health system: income, land, food securitiy, nutritional situation, basic sanitation, epidemiological inequities and public management policy. Carry out a thematic review over health social production, it formlation and the goals of social policies, as well as the insertion of the equality principle in the assistance system, in the frame of the running public health regulations. It uses reflections that enlighted the correlation between the process of political-institutional actions and equity on health assistance. Analized the pertinency of sectorial reorganizational strategies on basic attendance, confronting the hipothesis that those strategies reinforce social inequities in health system, because it organize diferential assistance levels over not equal baselines. The results show up that social inequalities, even remaining, have had a small decrease; that the selectiviness of actual public policies and the duplication of the health system, increases the differences within and between the social classes and configures the assistance as inequal. The basic care system has great shortages that also appeares in middle and complex assistance levels. As conclusion, it remarks that the health assintance system, even with it integrality has limits; structural problems on material conditions of living and health system could not be reversed only with institutional legal arragements; by the contrary, in border conditions, these strategies produce policies that reinforce inequities, neglecting the equity principle of the system in which frame, they work. One patina of this tim

Alianças eleitorais em Natal (2008): O PT e seus aliados

Este estudo faz uma abordagem sobre as alianças eleitorais, destacando duas vertentes importantes nos processos de suas formações nas arenas políticas. Na primeira parte do trabalho é feita uma análise mais geral a respeito da problemática em questão. Onde dois ciclos políticos são analisados, apresentando o comportamento político-partidário dos partidos no Brasil. No primeiro ciclo, uma breve compreensão da política café-com-leite na República Velha, na qual, PRP e PRM dominam politicamente a arena nacional. O segundo ciclo, compreendido de 1945 a 1964, foram analisados os processos eleitorais estaduais e nacionais. Nestes, os resultados analíticos mostram o que refletem no comportamento político-partidário dos partidos do passado e do presente no país. Outro aspecto importante também abordado na primeira parte foi a verticalização das alianças eleitorais, a qual teve como objetivo impor harmonia partidária entre os partidos nas formações das alianças eleitorais. Revendo esse processo político, vimos que, a imposição da verticalização não resolveu o problema da inexistência harmônica dos partidos no ato da formação das alianças eleitorais tocante ao espectro ideológico. A segunda parte da pesquisa está dividida em duas partes. A primeira faz uma análise sobre a trajetória política do PT e suas políticas de alianças, que se inicia no V Encontro Nacional do Partido em 1987. Como consequência da expansão partidária, outras políticas de alianças são aprovadas pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na segunda parte, é trabalhada as eleições municipais de 2008 em Natal, que observa analiticamente a campanha do PT e as alianças eleitorais realizadas pelo Partido para participar do pleito. Os velhos adversários políticos e oligárquicos formaram alianças com PT. Partido que nasceu combatendo as velhas práticas da política conservadora no nosso país, nos estados e nos municípios brasileiros

O Trabalho e o labirinto da responsabilidade socioempresarial:a experiência da cidadania empresarial do Banco do Brasil

In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

A construção de um estilo de vida: família e relações de gênero na participação do projeto ético-político renovado

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

A gestão participativa em administrações municipais:as experiências de Natal e Maceió

Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration

Novas fronteiras petrolíferas no Brasil : uma análise da necessidade de nova regulamentação da área do pré-sal sob a ótica constitucional

The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration

A missão política do Supremo Tribunal Federal: análise de sua importância como corte constitucional para o controle do poder no Brasil

The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution

Pedagogia Freinet :mediação para o social, o político e a formação de professores

Ce projet présente dans son premier chapitre une étude historique-bibliographique basée sur la Pédagogie Freinet en France, ainsi que sa formation républicaine, ses courants politiques et idéologiques qui ont moulés l organisation sociale et éducationnelle de ce pays. Ce travail montre le rôle des courants de gauche dans ce processus, cela se reflète aussi sur le jeune Freinet. Les changements opérés dans la décennie de 1950 dans le système scolaire, dans le propre Mouvement Freinet et les ruptures qui ont eues à l intérieur de ce mouvement. Cela se termine avec les directions prises dans les dernières décennies, son arrivée au Brésil et les perspectives actuelles. Le deuxième chapitre aborde la reconstitution historique du Brésil dont sa phase coloniale et impériale. Les événements historiques de la IIIe, IVe et Ve République sont mis en relief avec ceux du Mouvement Freinet. La phase militaire imposée au Brésil et les luttes pour la reconquête de la démocratie. Il se termine avec les considérations sur la LDBEN 9394/96 et l implantation du Curso Normal Superior; un bref historique de la Pédagogie Freinet au Brésil, des thèmes importants travaillés dans le troisième chapitre. Dans ce chapitre une recherche qualitative est décrite basée dans l Etnographie Critique et Multiréférentiellel et aussi dans la Recherche-Action. Elle est développée auprès d un groupe de cinq professeurs des premières classes de l école primaire au collège, inscrites dans le Curso Normal Superior. Les données ont été obtenues à partir de rencontres régulières avec le groupe la médiation didactique , des entretiens, des questionnaires, des observations dans les salles de classe, du travail final du cours, nommé Mémorial de Formation. À travers l ensemble des données, on recherche les apports et l actualité d une proposition pédagogique historiquement firmée pour le développement de la praxis éducative

Políticas de educação profissional técnica e de ensino médio no Brasil: a implementação no CEFET-RN (1998 2008)

This study has analyzed the high school and professional education policies (1998-2008) and their impacts on the Centro Federal de Educação Tecnológica do Rio Grande do Norte. It has presented an analysis and design of the productive restructuring process in the world of work and education, the technical, vocational education and high school policies in Brazil, referring to this period, as well as the changes in Cefet-RN for implementation of Political Guidelines of Vocational, Technical and High School Education. This study is guided by assumptions related to these policies, which are located in different historical moments. It is a study in which subjects are understood as historical and social beings, embedded in the economic, political and cultural rights which, by its actions, can be transformed. It was based on a theoretical framework consistent with the object of research to give it shape and meaning, serving as a parameter to address the problem outlined in research questions. It was used analysis of bibliographical material and specific documents from the Institution, semi-structured interviews with the subjects part of technical and high school. Results show that many of the recommendations in the present high school policies and vocational technical and high school education, implemented in Cefet-RN, for the period 1998-2002, show inconsistencies between what is said and what can be officially established in the pedagogical practice of teachers and professional practice of some graduates. Regarding the integration of vocational education with the high school (2005-2008) in this Institution, the study signaled that its prioritization failed to materialize in full, in Cefet-RN, although it was developed and implemented a Political-Pedagogical Project in 2005

Representações discursivas no discurso político. Não me fiz sigla e legenda por acaso : o discurso de renúncia do senador Antonio Carlos Magalhães (30/05/2001)

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar como as representações discursivas do locutor e dos alocutários são construídas no discurso de renúncia ao mandato de senador, proferido por Antonio Carlos Magalhães (ACM), na 62ª sessão deliberativa ordinária, em 30/5/2001. A perspectiva teórica que adotamos situa-se no campo da Linguística do Texto, com foco na abordagem da Análise Textual dos Discursos ATD (Adam, 2011). A noção de representação discursiva apresentada pela ATD constitui um dos aspectos da dimensão semântica do texto e baseia-se parcialmente nos trabalhos de Grize sobre a esquematização (1990, 1996). Complementamos as categorias de análise com contribuições que nos permitem detalhar a expressão linguística, textual, e discursiva das representações discursivas (Neves, 2006; Castilho 2010; Rodrigues, Passeggi, Silva Neto, 2010; Rodrigues et al. 2012; Passeggi, 2012). O enfoque metodológico é qualitativo, descritivo e interpretativista (Minayo, 1994; Trivinõs; 1987; Gil, 2002). Os procedimentos de análise utilizam as categorias semânticas de referenciação, predicação, modificação (de referentes e predicações), localização espacial e temporal, conexão e comparação. A representação discursiva do locutor (ACM) é constituída pelo conjunto de representações mais específicas, expressas nas referenciações e nas suas modificações: vítima; político; sigla; baiano, nordestino; presidente do senado; senador confiante; condenado. ACM, como protagonista, assume sempre a sua voz no discurso, manifesta seus pontos de vista e posiciona-se como sujeito ativo, consciente da importância do seu papel político e social, que o torna alvo e vítima das ações dos adversários. Complementando essa referenciação, as predicações e suas modificações se expressam através de verbos de ação, em especial, verbos na 1ª pessoa do singular que marcam o tempo presente, real e conclusivo de ações que constroem um cenário positivo para si mesmo. A localização temporal e espacial, indica as ações realizadas pelos participantes nas diversas etapas temporais selecionadas pelo texto, articuladas a três espaços principais: o Senado Federal, o Brasil e, naturalmente, a Bahia. Por sua vez, conectores adversativos (sobretudo, mas ), explicativos e condicionais acompanham e estruturam o ritmo argumentativo do discurso de renúncia de ACM

Entre a hegemonia e a polissemia: a Política de Educação e Desenvolvimento para o SUS no contexto do Brasil contemporâneo

The proposal of the Unified Health System Policy (SUS) has been considered one of the most democratic public policies in Brazil. In spite of this, its implementation in a context of social inequalities has demanded significant efforts. From a socio-constructionist perspective on social psychology, the study focused on the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS), launched by the Brazilian government in 2004, as an additional effort to improve practices and accomplish the effective implementation of the principles and guidelines of the Policy. Considering the process of permanent interdependencies between these propositions and the socio-political and cultural context, the study aimed to identify the discursive constructions articulated in the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS) and how they fit into the existing power relations of ongoing Brazilian socio-political context. Subject positionings and action orientation offered to different social actors by these discursive constructions and the kind of practices allowed were also explored, as well as the implementation of the proposal in Rio Grande do Norte state and how this process was perceived by the people involved. The information produced by documental analyses, participant observation and interviews was analyzed as proposed by Institutional Ethnography. It evidenced the inter-relations between the practices of different social actors, the conditions available for those practices and the interests and power relations involved. Discontinuities on public policies in Brazil and the tendency to prioritize institutional and personal interests, in detriment of collective processes of social transformation, were some of obstacles highlighted by participants. The hegemony of the medical model and the individualistic and curative intervention practices that the model elicits were also emphasized as one of the drawbacks of the ongoing system. Facing these challenges, reflexivity and dialogism appear as strategies for a transformative action, making possible the denaturalization of ongoing practices, as well as the values and tenets supporting them

Instrumentalidade do serviço social na previdência social no Brasil contemporâneo

In the sociability of the capital, the challenges to the consolidation of social security as a public policy become expressive, which has implications for social security services, particularly for Social Works who works for the security and fulfillment of social rights. Therefore, in this context of denial of these rights becomes relevant the work of social worker, as a professional committed to the ethical-political project and the Matrix Theory and Methodology of Social work, which potentiate the action able to establish professional articulated strategies for the strengthening of collective struggles for equality in society. Thus, this study examines the instrumentality of social work in the contemporary world and its contribution to the realization of rights. For this, we conducted a literature review, using authors dealing with the issue, as Behring (2008), Boschetti (2003), Mota (1995), Guerra (2007) among others, as well as documentary research through laws, decrees, instructions Normative, Internal Guidelines, and especially the analysis of the Matrix itself of Social Work in welfare. We use also of paramount importance to our analysis - the field research, using techniques such as semi-structured interview and questionnaire. The research enables the identification of important aspects of the subject studied, as the understanding of professionals about the instrumentality of Social Works in its ethical-political aspects, both theoretical and methodological and technicaloperative. The demands made by the managers for the profession on the sociooccupational have extrapolated the powers and duties of the Law Regulating the Profession and the Matrix of Social Work in welfare. The subjects of this study emphasize the role of social category of the National Institute of Social Security and the Federal Council of Social Service in defense of Social Works. The knowledge of social and institutional framework is critical to building control strategies that strengthen social security and public policy, the guarantor of social rights for workers in Brazil

A organização sindical dos assistentes sociais no Brasil: dilemas e desafios contemporâneos

This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work

Reformas administrativas no Brasil: o caso do governo do estado do Piauí

From the 1980s, with technological development, globalization, and in a context of increasingly urgent demands, there is an international movement to modernize the state structures. Being driven by the victory of conservative governments in Britain and the U.S., this speech reform comes only to Brazil in the 1990s, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Thus, in view of the recent movement of states to implement this reform agenda in their structures this research was to identify the elements that made it possible to attempt to modernize the administrative structure of the state of Piauí in 2003, in view of the political and administrative career in which the state was entered. Seeking to clarify the problem studied here, through a case study carried out a descriptive and exploratory, using a technique of gathering data to document research and interviews semi-structured. As the lens of analysis for this study used the neo-historical and sociological institutionalism, through which it sought to identify the critical moment in which they gave the Administrative Reform of Piaui, the process of breaking with the political and administrative career that previously had being followed, and the isomorphic mechanisms that enabled this speech reform comes up to this state, mechanisms that allow the homogenization of the organizational field. In general it appears that the search for new patterns and new technologies for management by the states in Brazil is due to the context of fiscal crisis in which the states were entered, forcing them to seek alternative models of management . The process of diffusion of New Public Management agenda for the states became possible, among other factors, due to the new scenario in which was inserted into the Brazilian federal system in the second half of the 1990s, characterized by a greater articulation between the horizontalstates, where through the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change was made possible by the absorption of the speech states reformer of the 1990s. However, due to the specificities of each region is given the experiences state unevenly. In the case of Piauí Administrative Reform only became possible due to the rearrangement of political forces in the state and the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change, which allowed, in 2003, the state government to absorb the speech reformer