30 resultados para Politicians elites
Resumo:
The Women s experiences in the private sphere under the work s field changes the family relationship allowing them more freedom, autonomy and independence. The inequalities, socially built, homemade women s obligations results in discrimination, difficult to insert and recovery on female s job in a job s market, including low salary if compared with men s and difficult to services access in addiction a difficult daily life and in domestic sphere. The women s organisation in productive groups or economically solidary enterprises (ESE) torn possible the social economically organisations and politicians to promote deep changes in a domestically e socially relationship, positioning, for example, women s in publics areas and in the rout of emancipation. The objective of this search are understand men and women relationship in the family agriculture s field starts insert women in economically solidary enterprises (ESE) on Mulunguzinho s settlement (Mossoró/RN). The theoretical framework is inspirited Economical Solidary concept kind division s job and women s empowerment. This search had a qualitative character and exploration through case s study on Mulheres decididas a vencer s group. The secondary information was create through theoretical framework and information collected through semi-structured interviews based in interviews applied for women and yours respective husbands by criterion for women participation on productive activities of beekeeping culture of goat and sheep. This study turns possible conclude that the women s participations in productive groups in solidary economical change significantly their life and their family life. The group s organisations process, the training was received, the collective production, the marketing and the mobilized participation to move it all was fundamental for women share with their families partners some homemade and take care with the children. This finding confirm a different aspect not economical in solidary economy overcoming the monetary value in associative relationship observing principally individuals well-being and the concern with the form of reproduction this way of life in the associated
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This work considers a ethnography boarding on the Apãniekra Jê-Timbira group of Central Brazil - leaving of a proposal of agreement of the group in perspectives of historical situations, analyzing its social organization from situational approaches. Taking the ethnography as main tool of production of data, the focus of the research takes dimension, when in the course of the ethnography situation, they come out, from certain events, social dramas that if ramify in crises, conflicts, faccionalismo. I analyze the mechanisms elaborated for the group to neutralize these dramas , such as the constitution of a tribal court , composites for native mediators and external mediators, dynamics ritual processes and politicians.
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The object of this work is a fellowship of São Sebastião e Nossa Senhora do Rosário in the city of Jardim do Seridó (RN), that is, a black catholic fellowship on the sertão potiguar. The devotion to Nossa Senhora do Rosário, in colonial Brazil, organizes itself through black catholic men as fellowships. They blossomed in Brazil until the abolition, getting support from the Catholic church, from owners of slaves and from the population in general − unlike others afro-Brazilian religious expression. Today, these fellowships remain active, against the sentimental pessimism of the folklore studies, and they also have a highlight position in the calendar of many cities in Brazil, and in particular in Seridó. The research s foothold is the apparent valorization of the fellowship by the local elite, attitude that hides asymmetric relationships between the group of negros do Rosário and the local authorities, having as its consequence that the members occupy a subaltern position inside their own fellowship. This subalternity take place, mainly, in the public area, where the negros do Rosário cannot represent themselves neither political nor discursively. To discuss this idea, it s done a brief historical of these catholic institutions as well as a description of the relationship between the negros do Rosário and the elites of the city. Then, the phenomenon is analyzed as folklore and/or religion , under the perspective of many agents that participate in this process. In other moment, it is going to be presented how the group formulates their own representation of the history, of the devotional forms and of their own political-religious experiences. In this sense, an ethnography of the subalternity is understood as an analysis of the process that leads the negros do Rosário to become a subaltern group. It s also outlined the perception that the group has of its own position, through an ethnography essay of the subaltern subject. The research, focused in the group of Rosário, was done between August 2010 and January 2012 and includes other agents (like treasurers, priests and intellectuals). Besides that, as a methodological complement, there are documental research, photography, as well as shoots of the party days and public presentation
Resumo:
The railroad, from 1870 and on, becomes an usual complaining in the press s and politician elite s speeches, especially because of Natal s geographic isolation. The implantation of two railroads in the capital territory Estrada de Ferro de Natal a Nova Cruz, afterwards part of Great Western Railway Company network, and Estrada de Ferro Central do Rio Grande do Norte had serious implications in the urban environment. While railroad s structures were already consolidated, other transportation mechanisms were being implanted in the first decades of the 20th century, such as trams lines, which, by the way, was a transport modal that also used rails as a dislocation meaning. Considering these questions, we may ask: how come railroads and tramways demands, roads and buildings had influenced the internal organization of Natal? We work with the general hypothesis that the influence of technical networks, composed by tramways and railroads, over Natal s urban space happened in a diversified way, sometimes consolidating social aspects in certain areas, sometimes improving the occupation of others. The impact over the city s territory also happens in a diversified way between the buildings/railroad s complexes and the pathways. The different scale of the train in comparison to the trams velocity, size, noise level, flow, among others is also a cause to the different consequences in urban environment. The main objective of this work is to understand the role of circulation technical networks in the construction process of urban space in Natal, as a way to contribute to the urban historiography about the subject. The time frame adopted, between 1881 and 1937, marks the time path of railroads and tramways in Rio Grande do Norte: 1881 is the year of railroad s first section inauguration from Natal to São José do Mipibu as well of the railroad complex in the Republic Square in Natal; the year of 1937 marks the beginning of tramways declination process in the city. At this time railroads and tramways had to face more intensively the competition of motor vehicles. The theory reference adopted is based on concepts and analysis of authors, such as Flávio Villaça and Roberto Lobato Corrêa references to the concepts of urban structure , localization and accessibility and Gabriel Dupuy to explain the concept of urban technical networks . These references reveal the conflict of different realities in the urban universe interests and values which is an important factor about the construction of urban space. The information sources used were from two distinctive natures: primary, journals of the time studied and official government reports, and secondary, based on other works about the subject. It was also used by this study iconographic source, especially images from the data base of the research group História da Cidade, do Território e do Urbanismo .
Resumo:
Cette recherche a pour but d analyser l Ecole Augusto Severo, située dans la ville de Natal dont la construction date de 1907,étant le premier établissement d enseignement primaire à l état du Rio Grande do Norte, pendant le processus de restructuration de l enseignement républicain. On cherche à comprendre la représentation de ce milieu scolaire, comme équipement urbain, dans le processus de modernisation de la ville et comme modèle éducationnel pour l état entre 1908 et 1913. En se servant des études historiographes sur le processus de modernisation de quelques villes brésiliennes et des innovations de l enseignement public primaire au pays, à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle et pendant la première décennie du vingtième siècle, comme source pour mieux saisir le contexte général et spécifique. On reconstitue les aspects économiques, sociaux et politiques déterminants des interventions publiques réalisées dans cette ville par les gouvernements républicains ayant comme obectif la construction d une ville embellie,hygiénique et civilisée. Située au quartier Ribeira, principal scénario de la modernité de Natal, l Ecole Augusto Severo est mise em relief comme symbole de civilité du paysage urbain de l époque pour le citoyen du Rio Grande do Norte. Elle disposait de services d énergie et d un tram électrique. Il y avait devant, un grand lac arborisé et une station ferroviaire. A côté, il y avait le théâtre Carlos Gomes (actuellement Alberto Maranhão). Par suíte de son imposante architecture, raffiné style éclectique,on reflète l idéal républicain des elites locales, avec une conception d espace symbolique et éducative de surveillance et contrôle, caractéristiques de l école graduée républicaine
Resumo:
At a time of changes on the territory during the 19th century, the political and socioeconomic elites of the province and later State of Rio Grande do Norte evolved a discourse in order to justify the permanence of Natal as a city holding a status of capital. In this work we analyze the means employed by the ruling classes to impose their wish to raise Natal to an outstanding position among the existing cities by intervening on the territory during a period of one hundred years (1820-1920). During that time, which was characterized by changing commercial flows and technological development, the elites interventions were essentially directed to the implementation of modes of transportation, especially the railway. We try to understand the reinforcement of Natal as a capital city not only in political and administrative terms, but mainly in a commercial and symbolic manner, through the discourse and interventions undertaken by the local administrative elites, who stimulated the creation of a set of relations on the territory that also imprinted visible marks in the capital s urban fabric. These interventions were based upon the establishment of an infrastructure for exporting the State s production, firstly through and despite the Potengi River, and later on by the construction of railways. Although the project of Natal s hegemony had been outlined before the establishment of the railway network, in both cases the ultimate objective was to reinforce and develop the capital city as a commercial urban center to the detriment of other cities
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This anthropological study investigates the lived-experience of oral diseases in the context of poverty in Northeast Brazil. During six months in 2004???, ethnographic interviews, narratives and participant-observation with 31 residents of the low-income community, Dendê, located in Fortaleza, Ceará were conducted and analyzed utilizing a hermeneutic-dialetic method. It is revealed that precarious life conditions make prioritizing caretaking a difficult task. Despite suffering tooth pain, seeking a dentist's care is perceived as "a luxury" not a citzens' right. Difficulties in accessing services and poor quality restorations, favor tooth extractions as the most effective intervention. The deterioration of one's oral health is lamented by community members who seek help from popular clinics, politicians and traditional healers. The experience of dental disease differs according to social class, leaves oral scars of inequity, harms self-esteem and inhibits social inclusion. In this context, "treating" the Teeth of Inequity demands that we deepen our comprehension of the social determinants of health, reduce injustice in the access to quality care, remove demoralizing stigmas and empower the community to confront structural forces which affect its life
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This present study aims to identify and evaluate the impacts caused by the state Programa do Leite in the familiar life of the ones that get this benefit in Natal, from 2003 to 2008. The interviews were done in the four areas of the city and show the high level of poverty of the ones registered in the benefit. The introduction of the families in the program changed their habits. The study also shows the fragility of the poor population inside social welfare works like this one. Some of these programs become permanent by the politicians and by the lack of economic independence of the ones that get the benefit, causing much more dependence of these people on the social program
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The 1988 Constitution was the legal marc to define changes in Brazilian State with major importance to the layout of public politician. In that moment of redefinitions e openness to new ways the redemocratization, participation and decentralization of public school had as their starter the elementary school. This work focus on the manage of FUNDESCOLA, particularly one of its politics called PDE (Educational Development Plan) wich purpose is guarantee a better quality in teaching and spread out democracy throughout its methodology. It was chosen two public schools: Professor Ulisses de Góis and Antonio Campos. The theoretical and methodological orientation is based on the theory of participative democracy developed by authors such as Putnam and Pateman. They says that a cultural background precedes individual participation in society. The collected data (educational legislation, surveys with all sectors of schools and technicians of Natal educational secretary, and relevant documents of de institutions) showed that PDE. Implementation had opposite runnings in the schools studied. In one, as a consequence of bad preparations of its teachers to absorve its methodology, PDE failed. In another way, PDE achieved its goals, especially helping the structure of action plans of the school and the administrative organization making possible several pedagogic activities planned. The work concludes that the main factor the failure or success of PDE relies on the organizational (both political and pedagogical) structure of each school. This discovery implies three important guidelines when comes to formulation of public politicians: a) Constitution of school; b) the local actors who manages the actions; c) the colletive interest in taking part of decisions
Resumo:
La présente étude sur la modernisation économique qui s est opérée dans le Rio Grande do Norte, constitue un débat concernant les tentatives de faire aboutir un projet de développement industriel fondé sur l exploitation des matières premières locales telles que le sel, le calcaire, les eaux mères et le pétrole, entre les années 70 et 90 du XXe siècle. Elle cherche à montrer, à partir de l observation de l action planifiée de l État national et régional, soutenu par le capital international et par les groupes économiques et politiques locaux, comment on a tenté d implanter, dans des conjonctures économiques distinctes, une industrie d intrants de base moyennant la création de deux pôles de développement : le Pólo Químico Industrial (1974) et le Pólo Gás Sal (1996). Elle est centrée sur l analyse des actions orientées vers la concrétisation de ces pôles, et prendra pour objet les politiques de développement émanant de l État national, en particulier celles qui relevaient du II PND et qui visaient, au cours des années 70, à l implantation d une industrie décentralisée dans la région Nordeste ; les règles fixées par le Plano Nacional de Desestatizações, destinées à promouvoir les privatisations des entreprises publiques brésiliennes, lesquelles ont rendu possible la vente d Alcanorte au groupe industriel commandé par Fragoso Pires, et les politiques définies par l État national et régional, rassemblées sous le titre de « guerre fiscale » afin d attirer des capitaux internationaux susceptibles de rendre viable le Pólo Gás Sal. Il y est démontré que l État a coordonné un ensemble d actions dans les domaines de l infrastructure et des exonérations fiscales et financières, dans le but d accélérer la transition d une économie primaire et exportatrice vers une économie moderne, industrialisée. Et que le concours simultané de forces économiques et sociales particulièrement expressives le capital national et international, les élites locales n a pas suffi pour promouvoir la modernisation industrielle escomptée des secteurs chimique et pétrochimique. Parmi les différentes raisons qui ont contribué à un tel échec, on peut mentionner : l absence d une accumulation interne préalable de capital ; la dépendance de l économie locale par rapport à la technologie et au capital des groupes économiques internationaux ; l inconsistance des stratégies de développement relevant de la politique qui caractérisait la « guerre fiscale », et la fragilité de la représentation politique locale
Resumo:
Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection
Resumo:
The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)
Resumo:
Space reading of Natal City and its reconfiguration from the intensification of tourist activity and the expansion of the services' sector, transiting, primarily, through the geography, the social sciences, the economy, in one main approach that is unaware of science's traditional limitations and recognizes the complexity that involves current world. In face of this agreement it analyzes the social-economic implications that remodel the spaces under the new economic view of services' sector, commanded by the tourism, in an intense process of city's reconfiguration, concentrating in three great axles and their irrigation ways. These changes were about the public-private relation (by the public politics) in the formation of new spaces and in the remodeling of the city's old areas, which, together, had contributed to the tourist activity's appropriation, returning it in a social-economic mosaic that owns obvious reflexes in its space. This fragmentation in the urbane cloth of Natal is expressed by social nature and economic points and, in the scenery, is manifested through the modern forms of city's space occupation by the local elites and services' sector, evidencing their status' district, as well as selecting those areas with bigger capacity to reply to the capital
Resumo:
Descreve-se aqui a formação da Imagem Pública de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva através do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, nas quatro eleições presidenciais que marcaram o período de democratização do País: 1989, 1994, 1998 e 2002. O fato de um candidato contrário às elites, três vezes derrotado em eleições anteriores, conseguir convencer através da mídia a elegê-lo eleitores que votavam antes em seus adversários, demonstra que a democracia representativa brasileira é institucionalmente compatível com regime de informação imposto pelos meios de comunicação de massa na sociedade atual? Além de comprovar a preponderância da Imagem Pública em processos eleitorais em que o Cenário de Representação da Política se caracteriza pela imprevisibilidade, a pesquisa constatou ainda que a atual luta política, mais que uma luta meramente pela visibilidade imposta pela TV e pelos meios de comunicação em geral ainda é uma disputa política. E que a mídia enquadra a política, mas também é por ela agendada, principalmente em momentos de grande incerteza política e/ou pouca previsibilidade eleitoral
Resumo:
In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital