95 resultados para Movimentos rurais e mulher: identidade política e participação feminina


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This study board the FUNDEF social control council implementation in Parnamirim/RN city, concerning their representatives participation in the accompaniment (decision power) in resort, in front of governmental politics of decentralization, unleashed in 90´s, seen in decentralization process needs the society participation in decisions of educative institutions and represent an efficient way of solve the problems difficult the educational management actions. For this, the council creation of Brazil manager configure, since the 80´s, detaching, and the single characterizing, in actual context. The objective is raise pertinent questions of thematic of representatives members participation of collegiate organs, evidencing the decision power of these, in public resource control. The theory-methodological referential the literature treat the participation and power decision of FUNDEF social control decision, such as politics directrix that rules this council. It utilizes as proceeding of collecting data the semi-structured interview and analyze of meeting register to understand the empirics of council implantation in this city, in view of that the electoral process configured in 2003, showed as a innovation, because the counselor is indicated by the local public power representatives (in this case the education municipal secretary). The research result show the representatives have difficult, to accompany the FUNDEF resources amount, particularly in concern in the financial resources (ratio) over plus. Finally, emphasize the importance of democratization in the relations between the state and civil society, elucidating and exciting reflections a: democratic participation in control of public recourses for education, educational management and civil society mobilization in access of public and cultural cash which the citizen has rights

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The history of women has been an important thematic in the field of Historiography in recent years. Many History scholars have discussed thematics related to genre, pointing out their relationship and conflicts. These new thematics are also the result of a series of changing in history that bring out new problems, subjects and approaches. Our aim in this work is to analise the experience of women militants inserted into the student secondarist movement (ME) in Rio Grande do Norte in the years of 1980 s. Discussing the concepts of History and Spaces, we try to analise the political spaces of ME through public and private spaces that make part of the student militant life, pointing out the conflicts faced during their standing into the movement. To a better understanding of the ME political overview, we set a summary to point out the reconstruction of the student entities reorganized after the military governments, as well as we picture a general picture of this women s insertion in history. We use the oral source as the main methodological resource to the development of our work

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The following dissertation studies the insertion of peasant women in the conflict for land since the occupation process, dispossession and construction of the settlement New Horizon II, in the municipal district of Maxaranguape. It analyses their participation in the conflict Valley of the Hope", that resulted in the settlements New Life II and New Horizon II in the municipal district of Maxaranguape. The analysis exposes the reasons which took the peasant women, after the land conquest, to go back into domestic space and/or to assume positions of lesser relevance in the political organizations of the settlement. In the conflict Valley of the Hope, the women had a fundamental role, facing the police violence, being front line of the conflicts against the repression forces, risking their lives and the life of their families. After the conquest of the land, transformed into the New Horizon II Settlement, there are a lot of changes in the participation of the women. We can observe that, despite the protagonism of the families, in special of the women in the Valley of the Hope conflict, these female workers still experiment unequal social, economic, political and cultural conditions in relation to the men, expressing the gender inequalities which are found in the daily life of the settlement: in the community, in the domestic and agricultural task. The conflict for the land in the Valley of the Hope and the conquest of the settlement did not necessarily mean the incorporation of the emancipation of the peasant women. However, the political participation in the development of the conflicts allowed to the women the self discovering and the beginning of an emancipation process as gender. There are signals of continuities and ruptures of the present culture, almost always stimulated by the organization of the agricultural female workers

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The proposal of this study was to work with women in the politics, focusing on their trajectories, biographies and speeches, to catch the meanings given by themselves to their insertion in the political field. The privileged instrument of research was the autobiographical narratives of fifteen women who, in Paraíba, had participated of the electoral processes and the life partisan politics in the period from 1998 to 2008, in the state and federal scopes. This permitted us to search the dimension of their lived expericence, to understand the trajectories and the processes of autonomation of the women, in the politics. Moreover, a quantitative mapping of the feminine presence in the processes was made electoral politicians in a wider context. In a similar way, two surveys had been carried throughout the research, among others aspects, to understand that image voters and politicians they construct concerning the feminine participation in this field. These instruments were important not to lose of all the social view where these lives were developed, the places from which these women speak and locate and the social meanings originated from this participation. The research aimed to establish dialogues between knowing and fields of discipline, beyond the dichotomy of actor/structure, preventing generalizations that ignore the plurality of the individuals, to reveal some aspects of the complex and contradictory processes that involve their participation in the political field. At last, it is tried to show that, although the frequent accusations of autonomy lack, when establishing relations in the public space, the women, as all subjects, can reflect about themselves, the motives of their thoughts and their actions escaping from the servitude of the repetition and avoid being only product of the institution that formed them (CASTORIADIS, 1992, p.140-141)

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The present study aims to understand the process of Participation of the Health Council- CMS in the formularization, implementation and control of the Municipal health plan of Pedras de Fogo, through four criteria of quality of participation considered by Demo (1993): representation, legitimacy, base participation, and self-responsibility. The criteria of representation is related to the quality of politics of the representative over the representings. Legitimacy is related to the politics` quality of the process of participation based on norms and rules that stipulate the participation, the base participation is a necessary political support so that the power authorization directed to the representings can be effective and the self-responsibility refers to the capacity of being responsible when it concerns to the public service or property. Through the descriptive and exploratory study a qualitative method was adopted to consider the conditions of the participation of the twelve council members of the City council of Health of Pedras de Fogo, through a formulated Instrument based on the criteria of DEMO (1993). It was concluded that the quality of the participation of the council members of the CMS of Pedras de Fogo understands essential aspects of the criteria of quality considered by Demo (1993) but it shows fragilities as unfamiliarity with the norms that legitimize the performance of the council; unfamiliarity of its condition of being an agent and the importance of the participation of the base for the reinforcement of its participation, as well as inertia related to the check and rendering of accounts on its performance. This way it makes sense that the participation of the council in the four criteria of quality of politics considered in this paper needs to improve

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The market-assisted land reform (RAAM) has been constituted as an alternative of agrarian reform funded by the Programa Nacional do Crédito Fundiário (PNCF). It is a policy of acquisition, distribution and use of Earth ideologically disseminated and funded by the World Bank in the context of productive insertion of landless workers. Accordingly, this study seeks to analyze the trajectory of rural settlements financed by this policy, seeking to understand what factors promote or limit the process of rural development of those settlements. To do so, take as a reference case study of the Assentamento da Fazenda Paz, in the municipality of Maxaranguape in the State of Rio Grande do Norte. From the methodological point of view, bibliographical and documentary research were used, in addition to visits to the settlement and semi-structured interviews with the settlers, trade union leaders, consultants and technicians linked to the project. Assuming the reports of respondents, initially constructs the hypothesis that informal and formal institutions present in the Assentamento da Fazenda Paz were unable to effectively coordinate the actions of the agents. The results obtained showed the existence of a very complex undertaking, with a total area of 607 hectares and 80 families settled, endowed with good quality water and irrigation infrastructure, with assets of approximately R$ 5 million reais. Experience experienced by the settlers understood the development of complex systems of production and marketing of fruits and vegetables, with an emphasis on the cultivation of papaya in an area of 45 hectares based on modern irrigation system and extensive use of technology. Collective management of production, marketing, revenue and costs stood out as a major challenge for the settlers and their representative organisations, i.e. the Community Association and the cooperative. From this observation it was possible to identify two moments on the trajectory of the project: the first, between 2007-2011, considered by respondents as successful, in which the integration of public policies and abundant input of revenue from the commercialization of the fruits da Paz, mainly through the sale of papaya and pineapple in national and international markets, allowed an average remuneration of R$ 800.00 reais to R$ 1,000 reais seated/monthIn addition to the production of vegetables and other types of products for sale and consumption; the second, from 2012, characterized as a failure, due to the discontinuity of the cultivation, production and marketing of fruits based on the collective bargaining model deployed. Important factors explain the discontinuity of the project, including the model of agriculture implemented, difficulties related to the management of production, marketing and finance the venture, in addition to the breach of trust between the Board of the cooperative and the associates and the distancing of the governmental organizations more directly responsible for the project. It is therefore concluded that we must to rethink rural development as a multidimensional phenomenon, requiring a broad engagement between State and society under the foundations of a territorial development contract

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The present study aims to understand the process of Participation of the Health Council- CMS in the formularization, implementation and control of the Municipal health plan of Pedras de Fogo, through four criteria of quality of participation considered by Demo (1993): representation, legitimacy, base participation, and self-responsibility. The criteria of representation is related to the quality of politics of the representative over the representings. Legitimacy is related to the politics` quality of the process of participation based on norms and rules that stipulate the participation, the base participation is a necessary political support so that the power authorization directed to the representings can be effective and the self-responsibility refers to the capacity of being responsible when it concerns to the public service or property. Through the descriptive and exploratory study a qualitative method was adopted to consider the conditions of the participation of the twelve council members of the City council of Health of Pedras de Fogo, through a formulated Instrument based on the criteria of DEMO (1993). It was concluded that the quality of the participation of the council members of the CMS of Pedras de Fogo understands essential aspects of the criteria of quality considered by Demo (1993) but it shows fragilities as unfamiliarity with the norms that legitimize the performance of the council; unfamiliarity of its condition of being an agent and the importance of the participation of the base for the reinforcement of its participation, as well as inertia related to the check and rendering of accounts on its performance. This way it makes sense that the participation of the council in the four criteria of quality of politics considered in this paper needs to improve

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On this paper, I propose a reflexion on the formation of a youth maroon, as a political subject , based on experience, personal expectations and social projects in the construction of a political identity in the community quilombola Capoeiras, which is located in the district of Macaíba (RN). I observed two social situations; the projects of the Pau-furado Youth and the Swingueira Quilombola , those kinds of dances that have as protagonists or as audience the youth people who lives in the community here mentioned, those people that legitimize and innovate in these traditions and roles they play and crucial positions in the construction of ethnic identities and generation within a political community. It seeks to understand the place of youth in this new context of political affirmation and identity. It is, therefore, to understand the diversity in their local youth from different social, cultural, political and economic

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On this paper, I propose a reflexion on the formation of a youth maroon, as a political subject , based on experience, personal expectations and social projects in the construction of a political identity in the community quilombola Capoeiras, which is located in the district of Macaíba (RN). I observed two social situations; the projects of the Pau-furado Youth and the Swingueira Quilombola , those kinds of dances that have as protagonists or as audience the youth people who lives in the community here mentioned, those people that legitimize and innovate in these traditions and roles they play and crucial positions in the construction of ethnic identities and generation within a political community. It seeks to understand the place of youth in this new context of political affirmation and identity. It is, therefore, to understand the diversity in their local youth from different social, cultural, political and economic

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This thesis is defined as a reflection on the mechanisms of expression and insertion of the homo situs in the participatory governance in Mozambique. For a better understanding of this social fact, it was settled a periodization which covered the decline of colonialism at the time of the independence, which was proclaimed in June 1975, the civil war that lasted over 16 years and the period of the democratic State, further established. Therefore, we sought to understand the mechanisms and failures of the participation of the homo situs in local development projects that absorbed the needs and problems of these peasants, not mobilizing the skills and social competences of these communities. It would be essential for the homo situs a genuine democratic practice involving a political culture based on the social construction of the territories of the traditional man which was characterized by being procedural and historical, finding in participation its higher base. In this context, it would be desirable that the community development in Mozambique could contemplate and respect the choices of the homo situs. For this purpose, it would be fundamental the consistency between theory and practice, which builds and rebuilds, continually the competence of the peasants, facilitating the possibility of realization of their primordial aspirations. In the research, it became apparent that there is not a continuous process of participation of the rural communities, which appear as participants, only at the time of the implementation of the activities. Therefore, even having the participation of the communities expected by the law, with predictable moments of discussion and necessary conditions for that, the State failed to establish an ongoing process of democratic dialogue with traditional populations, as well as it failed to organize, properly, accurate informational bases to help solve the problems of rural areas. These facts have led to obstacles to the process of conquest of the human and civil rights of the traditional communities

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This study was presented to the Post-Graduation Program in Social Sciences at UFRN as part of the requisites for obtaining the title of Master in Social Sciences. It describes the results of the research From social movements to the institutional functions: the consolidation of a generation . Its main objective is to describe the history of a political generation that emerged from the social movements, in the 80 s, in Sergipe, and that nowadays occupies the main governmental positions in the State s political scenario. As its specific objectives, the research described the emerging of social movements in the 80s in Sergipe; it found in the social movements in Sergipe, in the 80s, the beginning of the history of a new political generation, and described the consolidation of this new political generation in institutional positions as the expression of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics. Among the social movements that gained visibility in that period and that projected their leadership into the political scenario of Sergipe, this study highlights: the students movement, teacher s movement, bank clercks movement, miners movement, and rural workers movement. It utilized as methodology the research in sites, magazines, and the use of testimonies from semi-structured interviews. The main leadership of the five movements that were analyzed is, nowadays, governing the state, administering the capital s city hall, and performing legislative work at the Legislative Assembly of Sergipe, and at the Chamber of City Councilmen of Aracaju. This study described the political history of the main leadership of that generation of militants and organizers of social movements, and of left party groups in Sergipe, highlighting that their consolidation in the political scenario of the State meant the consolidation of a new group of power in Sergipe s politics.

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This study reflects on the conflicts that exist between the different forms of participation and the political representation manifested by community organizations and social movements in the city of Natal/RN. The objective is to better understand the process of political participation of the popular classes and how the different actors have represented collective demands in the struggle for rights. To this end, we mapped the organizations, social movements and participation spaces, through a type of participant research, in which we had the opportunity to experience and study different forms of collective action and events instigated by the community organizations and the Movement for the Struggle in the Neighborhoods, Villages and Slums (Movimento de Luta nos Bairros, Vilas e Favelas) MLB. From the theoretical contributions of authors such as Maria da Glória Gohn, Marco Aurélio Nogueira, Virginia Fontes, Vera da Silva Telles, Roberto Da Matta and Carlos Montaño, as well as the empirical data collected, the study revealed that on representing their segments and occupying different spaces of participation, some actors have formed partnerships with the State, putting collective demands on a second plane. Contrarily, other actors have articulated their struggle around collective demands and manifested through direct action, mobilizing and asserting themselves in defense of a project for society

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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.