10 resultados para social accounts

em Repositório digital da Fundação Getúlio Vargas - FGV


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Dois importantes aspectos atualmente tratados, com vistas ao aperfeiçoamento do Sistema de Contas Nacionais, dizem respeito à incorporação de uma contabilidade natural e ao estabelecimento de uma contabilidade social em tempos de trabalho. Esta pesquisa desenvolve uma metodologia de cálculo de tempos de trabalho direto (o equivalente trabalho), a partir das matrizes de Leontief. Analisa então algumas aplicações desse tipo de cálculo, inclusive para uma avaliação social do consumo de capital natural.

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Desenvolvem-se neste artigo as bases teóricas da contabilidade com juros reais. A Seção 11 apresenta uma evidência empírica que corrobora, do ponto de vista macroeconômico, a utilização de juros reais no cálculo do déficit público. A Seção 111 descreve a metodologia de cálculo com juros reais. Inicialmente apenas no tocante aos ativos financeiros denominados em moeda doméstica e, em seguida, analisando tambem o caso em que tais ativos se denominam em moeda estrangeira. As seções IV e V visam apenas a exemplificar, tomando-se como base as contas do setor público brasileiro, a utilização da metodologia aqui apresentada. Calcula-se aí, a partir dos dados da dívida líquida do setor público publicados pelo Banco Central, o deficit real do governo e a diferença entre juros nominais e reais liquidamente pagos pela dívida pública. A seção VI• apresenta uma série histórica de imposto inflacionário e transferência inflacionária (a favor dos bancos comerciais) para o Brasil. A Seção VII estende toda a metodologia de cálculo com juros reais à Contabilidade Social. Introduz-se também a contabilidade operacional, onde a discriminação entre juros reais e nominais se estende a todos os ativos financeiros da economia, exceto ã base monetária. Um resultado importante dessa seção é mostrar que as tautologias usualmente utilizadas nas Contas Nacionais são válidas em qualquer contabilidade, seja ela nominal, real ou operacional. Por último, a Seção VIII mostra que todo este arcabouço pode ser visualizado como uma extensão dos mecanismos de correção de lucros das empresas, amplamente utilizados no Brasil desde 1964.

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The present work aims to identify emerging organizational changes in the Court of Accounts of the State of Rio de Janeiro - TCE/RJ that are happening in the contemporary scenery known as the Age of Information. The search for the comprehension of the institutional dynamics is oriented by concepts originated from the theory of complexity, which believe that the public services external control system can be understood in a political, technical and legal environment with growing levels of learning and innovation. While chasing the possible causes of these changes, we try to prove the hypothesis that the TCE/RJ is turning into a more transparent organization. For this purpose, we define the outlines and reaches of the principle of transparency, based in bibliographical and documental researches, and analyze the phenomenon perceived in a explanation research through semi-structured interviews performed with two groups: a sample representing the universe under jurisdiction entities top level directors and the other obtained in the universe of formal and informal leaderships existing in the educational body of the institution. The conclusion of the present work confirms the initial questions, indicating that the organization is really becoming more and more transparent. The social-technical changes that are happening today at the TCE/RJ are caused by the growing social pressure for more effective results in the control of public expenditures. Under the systemic point of view, we observe cracks in the protective bell-glass that evolves the institution - previously hermetic to the external contingencies and that works today as a SAC - Adaptive Complex System. Aspects such as organization structural changes, the introduction of strategic planning and the growing democratization of the decision process are producing a new organizational culture. The seniority of the Technical Headcount contributes to establish the pre-conditions for the development of a administration where the participation of the TCE/RJ technical employees adds importance to its development as an institution that generates republican effects in the society from its less hermetic decision process.

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The aim of this dissertation is to study the contribution given by the Brazilian court of accounts, with the creation of the ombudsman on those institutions, to the exercise of the social control made by its citizens. Being considered one of the key inventions in the field of the external control of the public management, the ombudsman of the court of accounts is the most important means of control the society may use over the public management, as well as the place where the society and court of accounts might debate and get to an agreement concerning on how to spend the public asset in a way that will benefit the citizens. In order to fulfill the aim of the dissertation, the concepts of citizenship, particularly the deliberative citizenship, were recaptured, as well as the means of control in the public management and the role of the court of accounts as a participant in the external control of the public accounts. Lastly, some of the 18 ombudsman linked to Brazilian courts of account are presented in the dissertation. The Ombudsman of the Courts of Accounts of the states of Paraná and Pernambuco are emphasized once it is understood that they are in the path of transcending the concept of popular participation to the popular sovereignty, in which the debate with the society might, in a near future, decide possibly the course of the audits of those entities.

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O tema "controle social" nunca esteve tão em voga quanto atualmente. Trata-se de mais uma inovação produzida pelo estado democrático de direito, e que consiste, entre outros objetivos, na busca da legitimidade e da eficiência dos atos da administração pública, na redução das distâncias entre esta e a sociedade, na vinculação das demandas sociais às políticas públicas, e, é claro, no fortalecimento dos controles e da fiscalização. A premissa básica deste trabalho é a suposição de que há sinergia entre o controle social e o controle externo exercido pelos tribunais de contas, valendo-se para tal afirmação da avaliação das práticas do Tribunal de Contas do Estado do Tocantins no estímulo à participação cidadã. Assim, o objetivo deste trabalho de pesquisa é mostrar como o exercício do controle social, exercido pelo cidadão mediante mecanismos adequados criados pelos tribunais de contas, pode interagir com o controle externo de sua responsabilidade, com ganhos significativos para os controles da administração pública. Entre esses mecanismos, as ouvidorias dessas instituições estão entre as ações mais fortes que promovem o controle social. As ouvidorias nos tribunais de contas representam canais de controle da sociedade sobre a gestão pública, e abrem importante espaço para o debate e o consenso em tomo do objetivo comum dos tribunais e da sociedade: a correta aplicação dos recursos públicos que garanta eficiência, eficácia e efetividade. Para atingir seus objetivos, os tribunais de contas necessitam identificar e coibir as práticas contrárias ao interesse público presentes na formação social brasileira, tais como: a má gestão, a corrupção e a ineficiência. Assim, com vistas a identificá-Ias e coibi-Ias, é fundamental a participação da sociedade, que pode, deve e precisa contribuir neste sentido. Desta forma, apresentamos as práticas dos TCs do Brasil quanto ao tema, e, ainda, em detalhe, a ouvidoria do TCE-TO, e destacamos outras ações de estímulo ao controle social e à participação cidadã executadas por aquela Corte de Contas.

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O relatório de prestação de contas do recurso investido em projetos oriundos de parcerias entre o Estado e as organizações da sociedade civil não pode ser a única forma de avaliação da aplicação de recursos públicos. O presente trabalho analisa a necessidade de ampliar a ótica atual do accountability praticado pelo poder público, com o objetivo de incluir a avaliação do impacto social na análise dos recursos investidos em projetos de parcerias sociais público-privadas. A análise do impacto social provoca alterações substanciais no planejamento de políticas públicas abarcadas pelos projetos implementados. O diagnóstico da eficiência e a eficácia dos recursos investidos em parcerias sociais público-privadas é concretizado com a avaliação do impacto social do projeto.

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Government transfers to individuals and families play a central role in the Brazilian social protection system, accounting for almost 14 per cent of GDP in 2009. While their fiscal and redistributive impacts have been widely studied, the macroeconomic effects of transfers are harder to ascertain. We constructed a Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) for 2009 and estimated short-term multipliers for seven different government monetary transfers . The SAM is a double-entry square matrix depicting all income flows in the economy. The data were compiled from the 2009 Brazilian National Accounts and the 2008/2009 POF, a household budget survey. Our SAM was disaggregated into 56 sectors, 110 commodities, 200 household groups and seven factors of production (capital plus six types of labor, according to schooling). Finally, we ran a set of regressions to separate household consumption into ‘autonomous’ (or ‘exogenous’) and ‘endogenous’ components. More specifically, we are interested in the effects of an exogenous injection into each of the seven government transfers outlined above. All the other accounts are thus endogenous. The so-called demand ‘leaks’ are income flows from the endogenous to exogenous accounts. Leaks—such as savings, taxes and imports—are crucial to determine the multiplier effect of an exogenous injection, as they allow the system to go back to equilibrium. The model assumes that supply is perfectly elastic to demand shocks. It assumes that the families’ propensity to save and consumption profile are fixed—that is, rising incomes do not provoke changes in behaviour. The multiplier effects of the on GDP corresponds to the growth in GDP resulting from each additional dollar injected into each transfer seven government transfers. If the government increased Bolsa Família expenditures by 1 per cent of GDP, overall economic activity would grow by 1.78 per cent, the highest effect. The Continuous Cash Benefit, comes second. Only three transfers— the private-sector and public servants’ pensions and FGTS withdrawals—had multipliers lower than unity. The multipliers for other relevant macroeconomic aggregates—household and total consumption, disposable income etc. —reveal a similar pattern. Thus, under the stringent assumptions of our model, we cannot reject the hypothesis that government transfers targeting poor households, such as the Bolsa Família, help foster economic expansion. Naturally, it should be stressed that the multipliers relate marginal injections into government transfers to short-term economic performance either real growth, or inflation if there is no idle capacity which is also useful to analyze. In the long term, there is no doubt that what truly matters is the growth of the country’s productive capacity.

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Brazilian public policy entered in the so-called new social federalism through its conditional cash transfers. States and municipalities can operate together through the nationwide platform of the Bolsa Familia Program (BFP), complementing federal actions with local innovations. The state and the city of Rio de Janeiro have created programs named, respectively, Renda Melhor (RM) and Família Carioca (FC). These programs make use of the operational structure of the BFP, which facilitates locating beneficiaries, issuing cards, synchronizing payment dates and access passwords and introducing new conditionalities. The payment system of the two programs complements the estimated permanent household income up to the poverty line established, giving more to those who have less. Similar income complementation system was subsequently adopted in the BFP and the Chilean Ingreso Ético Familiar, which also follow the principle of estimation of income used in the FC and in the RM. Instead of using the declared income, the value of the Rio cash transfers are set using the extensive collection of information obtained from the Single Registry of Social Programs (Cadastro Único): physical configuration of housing, access to public services, education and work conditions for all family members, presence of vulnerable groups, disabilities, pregnant or lactating women, children and benefits from other official transfers such as the BFP. With this multitude of assets and limitations, the permanent income of each individual is estimated. The basic benefit is defined by the poverty gap and priority is given to the poorest. These subnational programs use international benchmarks as a neutral ground between different government levels and mandates. Their poverty line is the highest of the first millennium goal of the United Nations (UN): US$ 2 per person per day adjusted for the cost of living. The other poverty line of the UN, US$ 1.25, was implicitly adopted as the national extreme poverty line in 2011. The exchange of methodologies between federal entities has happened both ways. The FC began with the 575,000 individuals living in the city of Rio de Janeiro who were on the payroll of the BFP. Its system of impact evaluation benefited from bi-monthly standardized examinations. In the educational conditionalities, the two programs reward students' progress, a potential advantage for those who most need to advance. The municipal program requires greater school attendance than that of the BFP and the presence of students’ parents at the bimonthly meetings held on Saturdays. Students must achieve a grade of 8 or improve at least 20% in each exam to receive a bi-monthly premium of R$50. In early childhood, priority is given to the poor children in the program Single Administrative Register (CadÚnico) to enroll in kindergarten, preschools and complementary activities. The state program reaches more than one million people with a payment system similar to the municipal one. Moreover, it innovates in that it transfers awards given to high school students to savings accounts. The prize increases and is paid to the student, who can withdraw up to 30% annually. The total can reach R$3,800 per low-income student. The State and the city rewarded already education professionals according to student performance, now completing the chain of demand incentives on poor students and their parents. Increased performance is higher among beneficiaries and the presence of their guardians at meetings is twice compared to non beneficiaries; The Houston program, also focuses on aligning the incentives to teachers, parents and students. In general, the plan is to explore strategic complementarities, where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The objective is to stimulate, through targets and incentives, synergies between social actors (teachers, parents, students), between areas (education, assistance, work) and different levels of government. The cited programs sum their efforts and divide labor so as to multiply interactions and make a difference in the lives of the poor.

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Social Entrepreneurship (SE) has attracted growing interest from a wide variety of actors over the last 30 years, especially due to a general agreement that it could be an important tool for tackling many of the world’s social ills. In the academic sphere, this growing interest did not translate into a matured field of study. Quite the opposite, a quick look at this literature makes it evident that: SE has been consistently subjected to numerous theoretical discussions and disagreements, especially over the definition of the concept of SE which is often based on a taken-for-granted notion of social change; it has been more systematically investigated in restricted contexts, often leaving aside so called developing/emerging countries like Brazil and especially lacking in-depth qualitative studies; SE literature lags behind SE practices and few studies focus on how SE actually occurs in a daily and bottom-up manner. In order to address such gaps, this thesis examines how social entrepreneurship practices accomplish social change in the context of Brazil. In this investigation I conducted an inductive practice-based, qualitative/ethnographic study in three Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) located in different cities in the Brazilian state of São Paulo. Data collection lasted from February 2014 until March 2015 and was mainly done through participant observations and through in-depth unstructured conversations with research participants. Secondary data and documents were also collected whenever available. The participants of this study included a variety of the studied organizations’ stakeholders: two founders, volunteers, employees, donors and beneficiaries. Observation data was kept in fieldnotes, conversations were recorded whenever possible and were later transcribed. Data was analyzed through an iterative thematic analysis. Through this I identified eight recurrent themes in the data: (1) structure; (2) relationship with other organizational actors (sub-themes: relationship with state, relationship with businesses and relationship with other NGOs); (3) beliefs, spirituality and moral authority; (4) social position of participants, (5) stakeholders’ mobilization and participation; (6) feelings; (7) social purpose; and (8) social change. These findings were later discussed under the lens of practice theory, and in this discussion I argue and show that, in the context studied: (a) even though SE embraces a wide variety of different social purposes, they are intertwined with a common notion of social change based on a general understanding and aspiration for social equality; (b) this social change is accomplished in a processual and ongoing manner as stakeholders from antagonistic social groups felt compelled to and participated in SE practices. In answering the proposed research question the contributions of this thesis are: (i) the elaboration a working definition for SE based on its relationship with social change; (ii) providing in-depth empirical evidence which accounts for and explains this relationship; (iii) characterizing SE in the Brazilian context and reflecting upon its transferability to other contexts. This thesis also makes a methodological contribution, for it demonstrates how thematic analysis can be used in practice-based studies.

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The purpose of this project is to understand, under a social constructionist approach, what are the meanings that external facilitators and organizational members (sponsors) working with dialogic methods place on themselves and their work. Dialogic methods, with the objective of engaging groups in flows of conversations to envisage and co-create their own future, are growing fast within organizations as a means to achieve collective change. Sharing constructionist ideas about the possibility of multiple realities and language as constitutive of such realities, dialogue has turned into a promising way for transformation, especially in a macro context of constant change and increasing complexity, where traditional structures, relationships and forms of work are questioned. Research on the topic has mostly focused on specific methods or applications, with few attempts to study it in a broader sense. Also, despite the fact that dialogic methods work on the assumption that realities are socially constructed, few studies approach the topic from a social constructionist perspective, as a research methodology per se. Thus, while most existing research aims at explaining whether or how particular methods meet particular results, my intention is to explore the meanings sustaining these new forms of organizational practice. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews with 25 people working with dialogic methods: 11 facilitators and 14 sponsors, from 8 different organizations in Brazil. Firstly, the research findings indicate several contextual elements that seem to sustain the choices for dialogic methods. Within this context, there does not seem to be a clear or specific demand for dialogic methods, but a set of different motivations, objectives and focuses, bringing about several contrasts in the way participants name, describe and explain their experiences with such methods, including tensions on power relations, knowledge creation, identity and communication. Secondly, some central ideas or images were identified within such contrasts, pointing at both directions: dialogic methods as opportunities for the creation of new organizational realities (with images of a ‘door’ or a ‘flow’, for instance, which suggest that dialogic methods may open up the access to other perspectives and the creation of new realities); and dialogic methods as new instrumental mechanisms that seem to reproduce the traditional and non-dialogical forms of work and relationship. The individualistic tradition and its tendency for rational schematism - pointed out by social constructionist scholars as strong traditions in our Western Culture - could be observed in some participants’ accounts with the image of dialogic methods as a ‘gym’, for instance, in which dialogical – and idealized –‘abilities’ could be taught and trained, turning dialogue into a tool, rather than a means for transformation. As a conclusion, I discuss what the implications of such taken-for-granted assumptions may be, and offer some insights into dialogue (and dialogic methods) as ‘the art of being together’.