"Trabalhadores favelados": identificação da favelas e movimentos sociais no Rio de Janeiro e em Belo Horizonte

A tese aborda o processo de identificação das favelas e sua apropriação pelos movimentos de “trabalhadores favelados”. Em A Invenção das Favelas (2005), Valladares discutiu as favelas como uma representação e invenção social do século XX. Partindo desse marco analítico compartilhado e discutido por outros autores, construímos uma escala de comparação entre Rio de Janeiro e Belo Horizonte. Na primeira parte da tese, compreendemos essa representação como o resultado de um processo identificação. Como observou Noriel, em L’Identification (2006), o Estado moderno foi um dos maiores produtores de tecnologias de identificação, dispositivos de poder que visam conhecer, classificar e governar as populações num dado território. Investigamos como as práticas estatais no Rio de Janeiro e em Belo Horizonte constituíram representações das favelas, delineando um discurso e um dispositivo de poder sobre os territórios da pobreza através de legislações, censos e comissões de estudo. As analogias, particularidades e trocas instituídas no processo de identificação são analisadas, observando a formação de uma retórica da marginalidade social no âmbito do Estado, reproduzindo estigmas sociais, mas também gerando oportunidades para reivindicação de direitos. Nesse sentido, na segunda parte da tese, analisamos os movimentos dos “trabalhadores favelados”, organizados pela União dos Trabalhadores Favelados (UTF) no Rio de Janeiro e Federação dos Trabalhadores Favelados de Belo Horizonte (FTFBH). Compreendemos a forma como esses movimentos sociais organizaram repertórios de ação, apropriando-se da identificação das favelas para reivindicar direitos, mobilizaram-se eleitoralmente, vinculando-se a grupos de esquerda, e propuseram projetos de reforma urbana.

Dynamics of micro-entrepeneurial activities

This paper generates and organizes stylized facts related to the dynamics of selfemployment activities in Brazil. The final purpose is to help the design of policies to assist micro-entrepreneurial units. The 'first part of the paper uses as a main tool of analysis transitional data constructed from household surveys. The longitudinal information used covers three transition horizons: 1-month, 12-month and 5-year periods. Quantitative flows analysis assesses the main origins, destinies and various types of risks assumed by microentrepreneurial activities. Complementarily, logistic regressions provides evidence on the main characteristics and resources of micro-entrepreneurial units. In particular, we use the movements from self-employment to employer activities as measures of entrepreneurial success. We also use these transitions as measures of employment creation intensity within the self-employed segment.The second part of the paper explores various data sources. First, we attempt to analyze the life-cycle trajectories and determinants of self-employment. We use cohort data constructed from PME and qualitative data on financial and work history factors related to the opening of small bussiness from the informal firms survey implemented during 1994. Second, we apply a standart Mincerian wage equation approach to self-employment profits. This exerci se attempts to capture the correlation patterns between micro-entrepreneurial performance and a variety of firms leveI variables present in the 1994 Informal Survey. Finally, we use a a survey on the poor enterpreneurs of Rocinha favela as a laboratory to study poor entrepreneurs resources and behavior.In sum, the main questions pursued in the paper are: i) who are the Brazilian selfemployed?; ii) in particular: what is relative importance among the self-employed of subsistence activities versus those activities with growth and capital accumulation potential?; iii) what are the main static and dynamic determinants ofmicro-entrepreneurial success?; iv) what is the degree ofrisk associated with micro-entrepreneurial activities in Brazil?; v) What is the life-cycle profile of self-employment?; vi) what are the main constraints on poor entrepreneurs activities?.

Technology adoption and effects of transfers across locations

This paper develops a two-period model with heterogeneous agents to analyze the e¤ects of transfers across locations on convergence, growth and welfare. The model has two important features. First, locations are asymmetric as it is assumed that there are more specialized occupations in the more developed one. Second, the returns on the investment to acquire new technology depend positively on the level of each region’s knowledge and on the level of the world knowledge assumed to be available to all. In one hand, the poor region has a disadvantage as it has a lower stock of knowledge. On the other hand, it has the advantage of not having yet exploited a greater stock of useable knowledge available in the world. Hence, there are two possible cases. When the returns are greater in the poor region, we obtain the following results: (i) the rich location grows slower; (ii) the transfers to the poor location enhances the country’s growth rate; and (iii) there is a positive amount of transfers to the poor region that is welfare improving. When the returns are greater in the rich region, the …rst two results are reversed and transfers to the rich region are welfare improving. In both cases, the optimal amount of transfer increases with the level of income disparity across regions and is not dependent on the level of the country’s economic development (measured by its income per capita). Barriers to the adoption of new technology available in the world can constrain the convergence process as it harms in greater length the poor region. The results do not change whether migration is allowed or not.

Work, study, both or neither? time allocation of Brazilian teenagers

Labor force participation among youth is extremely high in Brazil when compared to countries with a similar economic background. In Argentina and Chile labor force participation, among those with 10 to 14 years old, is around 1% while in Brazil this rate is as high as 17 %. For the those between 15 and 19 years old these figures are around 10% in Chile, 15% in Argentina and 53% in Brazil. On the other hand the data on school attendance give a more optimistic picture. The percentage of children, between 10 and 14 years old, enrolled in school increased steadily from 79% to 95% from 1981 to 1998 and with age between 15 and 19, from 46% to 66% in the same period. These figures are close to the ones presented by Chile and Argentina. around 99% among the youngest group and around 70% for the 15 to 19 years old group. The objective of the paper is to understand the determinants of the time allocation decision of the Brazilian youth during the last twenty years. Using a multinomial logit regression we investigate the conditional effect of various micro and macro variables on the time allocation decision for the 1991 to 1998 period. Our main findings are: working and studying became the most likely allocation among the youngest in the poor rural areas and, in general, to study, whether working or not, became less dependent on family background for the youngest group but not for the older.

O novo federalismo social e o Rio: desenho de programas complementares de transferência de renda condicionada

Brazilian public policy entered in the so-called new social federalism through its conditional cash transfers. States and municipalities can operate together through the nationwide platform of the Bolsa Familia Program (BFP), complementing federal actions with local innovations. The state and the city of Rio de Janeiro have created programs named, respectively, Renda Melhor (RM) and Família Carioca (FC). These programs make use of the operational structure of the BFP, which facilitates locating beneficiaries, issuing cards, synchronizing payment dates and access passwords and introducing new conditionalities. The payment system of the two programs complements the estimated permanent household income up to the poverty line established, giving more to those who have less. Similar income complementation system was subsequently adopted in the BFP and the Chilean Ingreso Ético Familiar, which also follow the principle of estimation of income used in the FC and in the RM. Instead of using the declared income, the value of the Rio cash transfers are set using the extensive collection of information obtained from the Single Registry of Social Programs (Cadastro Único): physical configuration of housing, access to public services, education and work conditions for all family members, presence of vulnerable groups, disabilities, pregnant or lactating women, children and benefits from other official transfers such as the BFP. With this multitude of assets and limitations, the permanent income of each individual is estimated. The basic benefit is defined by the poverty gap and priority is given to the poorest. These subnational programs use international benchmarks as a neutral ground between different government levels and mandates. Their poverty line is the highest of the first millennium goal of the United Nations (UN): US$ 2 per person per day adjusted for the cost of living. The other poverty line of the UN, US$ 1.25, was implicitly adopted as the national extreme poverty line in 2011. The exchange of methodologies between federal entities has happened both ways. The FC began with the 575,000 individuals living in the city of Rio de Janeiro who were on the payroll of the BFP. Its system of impact evaluation benefited from bi-monthly standardized examinations. In the educational conditionalities, the two programs reward students' progress, a potential advantage for those who most need to advance. The municipal program requires greater school attendance than that of the BFP and the presence of students’ parents at the bimonthly meetings held on Saturdays. Students must achieve a grade of 8 or improve at least 20% in each exam to receive a bi-monthly premium of R$50. In early childhood, priority is given to the poor children in the program Single Administrative Register (CadÚnico) to enroll in kindergarten, preschools and complementary activities. The state program reaches more than one million people with a payment system similar to the municipal one. Moreover, it innovates in that it transfers awards given to high school students to savings accounts. The prize increases and is paid to the student, who can withdraw up to 30% annually. The total can reach R$3,800 per low-income student. The State and the city rewarded already education professionals according to student performance, now completing the chain of demand incentives on poor students and their parents. Increased performance is higher among beneficiaries and the presence of their guardians at meetings is twice compared to non beneficiaries; The Houston program, also focuses on aligning the incentives to teachers, parents and students. In general, the plan is to explore strategic complementarities, where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The objective is to stimulate, through targets and incentives, synergies between social actors (teachers, parents, students), between areas (education, assistance, work) and different levels of government. The cited programs sum their efforts and divide labor so as to multiply interactions and make a difference in the lives of the poor.