12 resultados para land-grab
em Universidad del Rosario, Colombia
Resumo:
Este artículo describe las transformaciones en la tenencia y uso de la tierra en Tibú (Norte deSantander) entre 2000 y 2010. Muestra que ellas fueron altamente concentradoras, masivas y generadas sucesivamente por dos vías: una coercitiva, operada por el paramilitarismo y otra, operada por empresarios y comisionistas de la tierra a través de un mercado anómalo y desregulado. Planteo que ambas vías son explicativas del land grab, conducen a fenómenosde acumulación por desposesión y que ninguna de las dos se puede entender sin dar cuenta de un conjunto de diseños institucionales y políticas públicas promovidas desde el Estado.
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El interés de esta monografía es evaluar la relación entre el orden institucional del Estado colombiano y las lógicas del control territorial de los paramilitares sobre el Urabá antioqueño durante el periodo 1997-2007. Se analiza y explica cómo los grupos paramilitares aprovecharon el contexto de debilidad institucional del Urabá antioqueño para consolidar estructuras paraestatales que instrumentalizaron y cooptaron la institucionalidad del Estado con la pretensión de reproducir las condiciones necesarias para su sostenimiento. Así como las consecuencias sobre la Institucionalidad regional a causa de la consolidación de un control político de corte autoritario y clientelista, la obstaculización de la afirmación del monopolio de la violencia estatal, y la protección de un modelo económico particular sustentado en la violencia. Para ello, como parámetros generales se siguen las funciones estatales descritas por Charles Tilly, la descripción de los estados entre estados de Kinsgton y Spears y la teoría de la cooptación del Estado de Jorge Garay.
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The armed conflict in Colombia, which has generated over three million internally displaced persons, has dramatic humanitarian consequences and raises serious issues regarding the protection of displaced peoples’ rights. The underlying reasons for the displacement often lie in the dynamics associated with territorial control and land seizures undertaken for strategic, military or purely economic purposes. Domestic and international legal provisions have established the victims’ right to the restitution of their homes and property as the “preferred remedy” in cases of displacement. However, policies dealing with displacement, both those of the Colombian government and of several international institutions, fail to take this sufficiently into account. A comprehensive reparation policy for victims must necessarily entail the reversion of lands, territories and goods seized in Colombia under the pretext of the internal armed conflict.
Resumo:
Reseña
Resumo:
This article reviews the evidence collected by diverse national and international organizations regarding the relationship between sexual violence against women, forced displacement, and dispossession in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. To this end, it uses the concept of “sexual violence regimes” to highlight that the endspursued by sexual violence are not always exhausted by simple consummation (that is, the act of sexual violence itself), but depending on the context, can be connected with broader strategic goals of armed actors. At the same time, this document admits the difficulty of proving this relationship with respect to judicial procedures, and thus sets out the possibility of creating a rebuttable presumption, in the framework of “unconstitutional state of affairs” created by judgment T-025 of 2004, that alleviates the burden of proof of the victims, and serves as a catalyst to promote new genderbased mechanisms of reparations.
Resumo:
The State-building process must be understood through the study of the agencies in charge of each of its regulatory functions. One such function is the regulation of property rights. During the Liberal Republic, as a reaction to the massive mobilization,new tools to better regulate property rights were promoted: colonization, parceling, the award of public lands and, at the end, a new legal framework. In spite of its purposes, they faced and failed to solve the challenges every organization experiences when growing: resource scarcity, controlling its agents, and keeping technical simplicity.
Resumo:
This article offers a theoretical interpretation of the dispositions on land restitution contained in the famous “Victims’ Bill”, which was debated in the Colombian Congress during the year 2008. The bill included specific mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict. At the time, the bill was endorsed by all the main political actors in the country –notably the government and the elites that support it, on the one hand, and victims’ and human rights organizations and other opposition groups, on the other–. The fact that the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict was being considered as a serious possibility by all political actors in the country seemed to indicate the existence of a consensus among actors whose positions are ordinarily opposed, on an issue that has traditionally led to high levels of polarization. This consensus is quite puzzling, because it seems to be at odds with the interests and/or the conceptions of justice advocated by these political actors, and because the restitution of land faces enormous difficulties both from a factual and a normative point of view, which indicates that it may not necessarily be the best alternative for dealing with the issue of land distribution in Colombia. This article offers an interpretation of said consensus, arguing that it is only an apparent consensus in which the actors are actually misrepresenting their interests and conceptions of justice, while at the same time adopting divergent strategies of implementation aimed at fulfilling their true interests. Nevertheless, the article concludes that the common adherence by all actors to the principle of restorative justice might bring about its actual realization, and thus produce an outcome that, in spite (and perhaps even because) of being unintended, might substantively contribute to solving the problem of unequal land distribution in Colombia. Even though the article focuses in some detail on the specificities of the 2008 Bill, it attempts to make a general argument about the state of the discussion on how to deal with the issue of land distribution in the country. Consequently, it may still be relevant today, especially considering that a new Bill on land restitution is currently being discussed in Congress, which includes the same restitution goals as the Victims’ Bill and many of its procedural and substantive details, and which therefore seems to reflect a similar consensus to the one analyzed in the article.
Resumo:
In this work we analyze the reforms carried out by the Mexican state in the nineties of the 20th century, in the items concerning the policies of housing and urban land, based on an exhaustive review of the main actions, programs and changes in the legal and institutional frame that applies for each of these fields. The nineties represent a "breaking point" in the way the State considers the satisfaction of the right to the housing and attends the offer of urbanized land for a tidy and sustainable urban development. In this period of time, the approach of direct intervention in developing and financing housing and creation of land reserves has changed into another one, ruled by the logic of the market. The balance to the first decade of the 21st century is ambiguous, as neither the housing policy has solved the housing shortage for low-income population, nor the land policy has eliminated the illegal urban growth.
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The urban growth in Latino American cities, in a neoliberal context, has led to several population groups to having no possibilities to the access to urban land. Informal and irregular urban settlements increase, requiring attention from local governments, with actions and strategies in order to achieve both the regularization of such situation and further prevention. In the city of Córdoba different informal and irregular operations have taken place promoted by different actors. Furthermore, policies focused on regularization which have been promoted, have few intervention mechanisms, a fact that becomes critical, especially for the urban problems it causes. The main aim of this article is to present a classification over different modes of urban land acquirement taking place out of both urban and civil legislations. Afterwards, different informal settlement typologies are described, as well as the policies focused on them, together with their respective effects and impacts.
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This paper presents an approach to the relationship between land use planning and socioeconomic residential segregation, from the location of social housing in Medellin, Colombia, during the period 2006-2011. The first part introduces the land use regulations regarding the location of social housing, identifying ambiguities in the current spatial plan. Next, we present the intersection of regulatory information and the location of the projects that were under construction during the study period, highlighting the need to consider the location as an important characteristic of social housing and residential segregation as a phenomenon that must be recognized and worked on land use planning in our cities.
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This article characterizes the conditions of the informal land and housing supply during the first decade of the xxi century in Bogota, regarding magnitude and location of the informal urban growth (new occupations in the periphery and informal densification of consolidated areas), housing conditions in recent occupations and the characteristics of the land market. The situation of the last decade has been reconstructed based in aerial photography analysis, census data quantification and data analysis from planning and control public entities. Results suggest that due to the relative land scarcity in Bogotá, among other aspects, the informal market dynamics have experimented changes compared to previous decades, because the growth in consolidated urban areas becomes more important than the informal urbanization of the peripheries, but at the same time informality transcends the municipal perimeter to the neighboring municipalities.
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The paper analyzes the effects of land reform on social development – poverty and land distribution-at the local level. Land reform in Colombia, understood as the allocation of public land to peasant, has granted 23 million hectares which comprises around 20% of Colombian territory and about 50% of usable productive land. Theoretically, the net impact of land reform on development is the combination of a poverty effect and a land distribution effect. Our findings suggest that land reform from 1961 onwards has slightly reduced poverty and mildly improved land distribution. Nonetheless,municipalities with strong presence of latifundia prior to1961 have experienced both a slower drop in poverty and a weaker improvement of land distribution .This paper finds that prevalence of latifundia partially offset the positive effect of land reform in promoting social development.