112 resultados para vote régional
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This article investigates the link between political sophistication and electoral volatility. Showing that there is disagreement in the literature on whether switching party preferences is related to low or high levels of political sophistication, it is then argued that the effect of sophistication on vote switching might differ depending on when switching is measured. The effect of timing on volatility is investigated by means of the Short-term panel of the 2009 German Longitudinal Election Study. Results indicate that timing indeed matters, while sophistication increases the probability of switching parties before the campaign, the effect of political sophistication becomes more negative as Election Day draws near.
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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.
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La possibilité d'utiliser l'information génétique dans le domaine de l'assurance vie a soulevé des discussions autour des politiques et des législations, et ce, au niveau international, régional et national. Dans certains pays offrant des services de santé universels, le débat sur la génétique et l'assurance vie a envisagé de possibles restrictions quant à l'utilisation de l’information génétique en matière d’assurance.
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Les nombreux scrutins qui ont eu lieu dernièrement ont suscité plusieurs réflexions tant en ce qui concerne les taux de participation que l’impact réel du vote individuel sur la sphère politique. Récemment, une commission spéciale de l’Assemblée nationale du Québec a parcouru seize villes pour consulter la population sur le mode de scrutin et la loi électorale. De fait, cette dernière a changé radicalement depuis 1792, année où a eu lieu la première élection parlementaire. À ce sujet, la collection Baby de l’Université de Montréal est une source d’information inestimable sur les mœurs électorales du 19e siècle québécois. Les pressions et les sollicitations dont les électeurs font l’objet, les stratégies adoptées par les candidats et leurs partisans, l’ambiance enfiévrée autour des bureaux de scrutin, tous ces éléments trouvent des exemples dans les documents disponibles. En plus de témoigner des vicissitudes du scrutin ouvert et public, ces derniers révèlent des aspects insoupçonnés de la culture politique de l’époque. Cette présentation se veut donc une exploration de la sphère politique de notre passé à partir des traces multiples offertes par la collection Baby.
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In spatial environments, we consider social welfare functions satisfying Arrow's requirements. i.e., weak Pareto and independence of irrelevant alternatives. When the policy space os a one-dimensional continuum, such a welfare function is determined by a collection of 2n strictly quasi-concave preferences and a tie-breaking rule. As a corrollary, we obtain that when the number of voters is odd, simple majority voting is transitive if and only if each voter's preference is strictly quasi-concave. When the policy space is multi-dimensional, we establish Arrow's impossibility theorem. Among others, we show that weak Pareto, independence of irrelevant alternatives, and non-dictatorship are inconsistent if the set of alternatives has a non-empty interior and it is compact and convex.
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A desirable property of a voting procedure is that it be immune to the strategic withdrawal of a candidate for election. Dutta, Jackson, and Le Breton (Econometrica, 2001) have established a number of theorems that demonstrate that this condition is incompatible with some other desirable properties of voting procedures. This article shows that Grether and Plott's nonbinary generalization of Arrow's Theorem can be used to provide simple proofs of two of these impossibility theorems.
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A full understanding of public affairs requires the ability to distinguish between the policies that voters would like the government to adopt, and the influence that different voters or group of voters actually exert in the democratic process. We consider the properties of a computable equilibrium model of a competitive political economy in which the economic interests of groups of voters and their effective influence on equilibrium policy outcomes can be explicitly distinguished and computed. The model incorporates an amended version of the GEMTAP tax model, and is calibrated to data for the United States for 1973 and 1983. Emphasis is placed on how the aggregation of GEMTAP households into groups within which economic and political behaviour is assumed homogeneous affects the numerical representation of interests and influence for representative members of each group. Experiments with the model suggest that the changes in both interests and influence are important parts of the story behind the evolution of U.S. tax policy in the decade after 1973.
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In this paper, we look at how labor market conditions at different points during the tenure of individuals with firms are correlated with current earnings. Using data on individuals from the German Socioeconomic Panel for the 1985-1994 period, we find that both the contemporaneous unemployment rate and prior values of the unemployment rate are significantly correlated with current earnings, contrary to results for the American labor market. Estimated elasticities vary between 9 and 15 percent for the elasticity of earnings with respect to current unemployment rates, and between 6 and 10 percent with respect to unemployment rates at the start of current firm tenure. Moreover, whereas local unemployment rates determine levels of earnings, national rates influence contemporaneous variations in earnings. We interpret this result as evidence that German unions do, in fact, bargain over wages and employment, but that models of individualistic contracts, such as the implicit contract model, may explain some of the observed wage drift and longer-term wage movements reasonably well. Furthermore, we explore the heterogeneity of contracts over a variety of worker and job characteristics. In particular, we find evidence that contracts differ across firm size and worker type. Workers of large firms are remarkably more insulated from the job market than workers for any other type of firm, indicating the importance of internal job markets.
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This paper presents a new model of voter behaviour under methods of proportional representation (PR). We abstract away from rounding, and assume that a party securing k percent of the vote wins exactly k percent of the available seats. Under this assumption PR is not manipulable by any voter aiming at maximisation of the number of seats in the parliament of her most preferred party. However in this paper we assume that voters are concerned, first and foremost, with the distribution of power in the post-election parliament. We show that, irrespective of which positional scoring rule is adopted, there will always exist circumstances where a voter would have an incentive to vote insincerely. We demonstrate that a voter’s attitude toward uncertainty can influence her incentives to make an insincere vote. Finally, we show that the introduction of a threshold - a rule that a party must secure at least a certain percentage of the vote in order to reach parliament - creates new opportunities for strategic voting. We use the model to explain voter behaviour at the most recent New Zealand general election.
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After the events of September 11, the fear of terrorism led to the adoption of new anti-terrorist measures (elimination of appeals available to foreigners, reduction of legal aid, increased powers of detention, easier use of security certificates…). But in Canadian Charter of Rigths and Freedoms only the right to vote and be elected, the right to enter and remain in the country and the minority language educational rights specifically protect citizens. The protection of Canadian citizens cannot be based on the denial of foreigner´s rights. The same rights are at stake: The violation of a foreigners´s rights is a violation of citizen´s rights.
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Un résumé en anglais est également disponible.
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"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit (LL.M.) option droit, biotechnologies et société"
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La Securities and Exchange Commission vient d’étendre la possibilité pour les sociétés américaines cotées de refuser d’inclure dans les sollicitations de procuration les propositions des actionnaires concernant l’élection des administrateurs. Alors que ce thème fait débat et que l’autorité américaine ne s’était que peu prononcée, celle-ci propose une rédaction nouvelle de l’article 14a-8(i)(8) applicable depuis le 10 janvier 2008. Cette prise de position de la Securities and Exchange Commission offre l’opportunité d’analyser l’état de la gouvernance des entreprises américaines en matière d’élection de la direction et de constater que le pouvoir des actionnaires, bien que restreint par cette modification règlementaire, est revigoré en parallèle par le développement du « majority vote system ». La confrontation de ces deux orientations fait apparaître leur complémentarité sous-jacente et le fait que les actionnaires sont, au final, loin d’être dépourvus de moyens efficaces pour mettre en œuvre un activisme. C’est autour des mutations profondes que subit le paysage juridique entourant le pouvoir des actionnaires au moment de l’élection du conseil d’administration que cet écrit est orienté.
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"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit (LL.M.)"