Sick leave prescribing practices in Finland

Background: Sick leave prescribing is a common task of doctors and being on sick leave results in notable economic consequences to society. However, there appears to be limited research into this field and the factors affecting sick leave prescribing practices of doctors. Aims: To examine the prescribing of sick leave by doctors and dentists, the extent of variation in practices, whether clinician-related factors and local structural factors affect variation, and the economic consequences of varying practices. Materials and methods: Questionnaire studies with 19 or 16 hypothetical patient cases were conducted among 165 primary health care (PHC) physicians, 356 occupational health care (OHC) physicians, 338 surgeons and 1132 dentists. Results: The difference between the lowest and the highest number of sick leave days prescribed for the 19 patient cases was almost four-fold in PHC physicians and surgeons and eight-fold in OHC physicians, which represents a societal cost of tens of thousands of euros. Some dentists did not prescribe sick leave to any of the 16 patient cases, and some prescribed nearly a hundred days altogether. The overall number of sick leave days OHC physicians prescribed was smaller than in PHC physicians. More days of sick leave were prescribed by those working in smaller municipalities than larger population centres. Conclusion: There was considerable variation in the sick leave prescribing practices of Finnish health care professionals. This means that patients may not receive equal social benefits. Sick leave carries considerable economic consequences, and unifying prescribing practices could bring significant cost savings to society.

Vahinkoeläinsodasta psykologiseen omistajuuteen. Petokonfliktien historiallinen tausta ja nykypäivän hallinta

Suurpetojen kannanhoitoon, ja etenkin suden kannanhoitoon liittyvä monitahoinen konfl ikti esiintyy jännitteinä paikallisyhteisöjen ja keskushallinnon, maaseudun ja kaupunkien sekä maallikoiden ja tutkijoiden välillä. Suurpetopolitiikan legitimiteettikriisi näkyy kansallisen kannanhoidon tavoitteiden ja toimenpiteiden kiistämisenä passiivisin ja aktiivisin toimin. Tällä ajankohtaisella ongelmalla on mittavat historialliset juuret. Luonnon ja ihmisen välinen suhde on ollut jatkuvaa tasapainottelua konfl iktien ja niiden hallinnan kanssa, ja suurpedot ovat väistämättä olleet konfl iktin keskiössä lajityypillisten piirteidensä vuoksi. Tämän tutkimuksen tavoitteena on osoittaa ympäristöhistoriallisen tutkimusotteen kautta suomalaisen vahinkoeläinhistorian keskeiset toimet ja toimijat, sekä ymmärtää vahinkoeläinten kannanhoidon tavoite- ja toimenpideasettelun vaikutukset eläinpopulaatioihin historiallisessa ja ekologisessa kontekstissa. Tutkimuksen toinen tavoite on tuottaa synteesi nykypäivän suurpetojen kannanhoidon tavoite- ja toimenpiteiden tarkoituksenmukaisuudesta ja vaikuttavuudesta historiallisessa kontekstissa ja esittää uudenlainen lähestymismalli sosiaalisesti kestävämmälle suurpetopolitiikalle. Vahinkoeläinhistoriaa käsitellään deduktiivisella ja rekonstruktiivisella tutkimusotteella käyttäen aineistona lakitekstejä, maksettuja tapporahoja, sanomalehtikirjoituksia, sidosryhmien kirjoituksia sekä eläintieteellisiä julkaisuja. Etenkin laeissa ja asetuksissa eri eläimistä asetetut tapporahat ja toisaalta saalistilastojen perusteella maksetut palkkiot on nostettu tässä tutkimuksessa merkittävään rooliin asenteiden tulkinnan välineenä. Tarkastelu ulotetaan nisäkkäiden lisäksi myös lintuihin, jotka ovat edellä mainitun aineiston valossa olleet merkittävä vainottu eläinryhmä. Nykypäivän petokonfl iktin tarkastelussa keskiöön nostetaan suurpetoasenteet, niiden muodostuminen ja vaikutus suurpetopolitiikan tavoitteiden ja toimenpiteiden kiistämisessä. Suurpetopolitiikan legitimiteettikriisiä tarkastellaan paikallisten uhmakkuutena hallintoa kohtaan ja tulkinta keinoista puuttua sosiopoliittiseen rikokseen rakennetaan tätä ajatusta vasten. Suurpetojen salakaatajat toimivat yhteisönsä puolesta ja saavat tukensa toimilleen yhteisöltään. Sosiopoliittinen rikos ei siten ole ainoastaan salakaatajien vaan sen sijaan yhteisön yhteinen. Salakaatajat ja paikallisyhteisö pyrkivät häivyttämään yhteiskunnassa viranomaisten ja sidosryhmien taholta toimintaan liittämää stigmaa ja siten oikeuttamaan tekonsa vallitsevissa olosuhteissa. Arvoristiriitoihin perustuvat konfl iktit ovat haasteellisia hallita ja lähtökohtana on oltava ymmärrys siitä, että etenkin suteen liittyvät jännitteet ja ristiriidat ihmisten välisissä suhteissa ovat väistämättömiä. Tunnistamalla historiallisen aineiston merkittävyys nykypäivän ongelmakeskeisen kannanhoidon ratkaisun tietopohjana on mahdollista rakentaa sosiaalisesti kestävämpää suurpetojen kannanhoitoa. Tässä väitöskirjatyössä painotetaan suurpetoihin liittyen ajatusta, jonka mukaan paikallisilta suurpetoalueilla eläviltä ihmisiltä tai sidosryhmien edustajilta ei edellytetä arvomaailman muuttumista, vaan hyväksytään heidän käsityksensä suurpetojen roolista vahingontekijöinä. Sen sijaan vahvistetaan suurpetojen välineellistä roolia paikallisyhteisöjen resurssina ja oleellisten sidosryhmien roolia yhteisön toimijoina psykologisen omistajuuden rakentamisen kautta. Suurpetojen kestävä kannanhoito vaatii siten riistahallinnon toimintakulttuurin muutosta ja uudenlaista suhdetta yhteiskunnan eri toimijoihin.

Between Memory and Strategy: Media Discourse Analysis of an Industrial Shutdown

In 2006 UPM was able to gain a level of social legitimacy that allowed it to carry out one of the largest industrial restructuring programmes in Finnish industrial history, shut down major operations in Finland and still appear to be functioning in the interests of the nation as well as itself. This study considers and examines various contexts of this shutdown with the aim of demonstrating how profoundly mediated such organizational events are though they appear to be produced primarily through strategic company decisions. The study aims to examine the processes of mediation at two levels. At one level, through close analysis of press releases and newspaper reports in local and national newspapers, the study presents a discursive analysis of the Voikkaa case. The discursive analysis focuses on providing historical contexts for understanding why this organizational event was also an occasion for reimagining the past and future of the Finnish nation; spatial contexts for understanding the differing struggles over the meaning of the event nationally and regionally; and the temporal dynamics of the media reports. At another level, the study considers and refines methods for reading and analyzing mediation in organization studies. Bringing together recent research of media text–based legitimation studies, emerging research on organizational memory and organizational death and a Foucaultian analytics of power, this work suggests that organizational research needs to be less concerned with particular typologies and narratives of shutdowns, and more curious about the processes of mediation through which organizational events are imagined and remembered.

Social Solidarity and Fear of Crime - Community and Individual Approaches in Responses to Mass Violence after School Shootings

The aim of this study was to examine community and individual approaches in responses to mass violence after the school shooting incidents in Jokela (November 2007) and Kauhajoki (September 2008), Finland. In considering the community approach, responses to any shocking criminal event may have integrative, as well as disintegrative effects, within the neighborhood. The integration perspective argues that a heinous criminal event within one’s community is a matter of offence to collectively held feelings and beliefs, and increases perceived solidarity; whereas the disintegration perspective suggests that a criminal event weakens the social fabric of community life by increasing fear of crime and mistrust among locals. In considering the individual approach, socio-demographic factors, such as one’s gender, are typically significant indicators, which explain variation in fear of crime. Beyond this, people are not equally exposed to violent crime and therefore prior victimization and event related experiences may further explain why people differ in their sensitivity to risk from mass violence. Finally, factors related to subjective mental health, such as depressed mood, are also likely to moderate individual differences in responses to mass violence. This study is based on the correlational design of four independent cross-sectional postal surveys. The sampling frames (N=700) for the surveys were the Finnish speaking adult population aged 18–74-years. The first mail survey in Jokela (n=330) was conducted between May and June 2008, approximately six months from the shooting incident at the local high-school. The second Jokela survey (n=278) was conducted in May–June of 2009, 18 months removed from the incident. The first survey in Kauhajoki (n=319) was collected six months after the incident at the local University of Applied Sciences, March– April 2009, and the second (n=339) in March–April 2010, approximately 18 months after the event. Linear and ordinal regression and path analysis are used as methods of analyses. The school shootings in Jokela and Kauhajoki were extremely disturbing events, which deeply affected the communities involved. However, based on the results collected, community responses to mass violence between the two localities were different. An increase in social solidarity appears to apply in the case of the Jokela community, but not in the case of the Kauhajoki community. Thus a criminal event does not necessarily impact the wider community. Every empirical finding is most likely related to different contextual and event-specific factors. Beyond this, community responses to mass violence in Jokela also indicated that the incident was related to a more general sense of insecurity and was also associating with perceived community deterioration and further suggests that responses to mass violence may have both integrating and disintegrating effects. Moreover, community responses to mass violence should also be examined in relation to broader social anxieties and as a proxy for generalized insecurity. Community response is an emotive process and incident related feelings are perhaps projected onto other identifiable concerns. However, this may open the door for social errors and, despite integrative effects, this may also have negative consequences within the neighborhood. The individual approach suggests that women are more fearful than men when a threat refers to violent crime. Young women (aged 18–34) were the most worried age and gender group as concerns perception of threat from mass violence at schools compared to young men (aged 18–34), who were also the least worried age and gender group when compared to older men. It was also found that concerns about mass violence were stronger among respondents with the lowest level of monthly household income compared to financially better-off respondents. Perhaps more importantly, responses to mass violence were affected by the emotional proximity to the event; and worry about the recurrence of school shootings was stronger among respondents who either were a parent of a school-aged child, or knew a victim. Finally, results indicate that psychological wellbeing is an important individual level factor. Respondents who expressed depressed mood consistently expressed their concerns about mass violence and community deterioration. Systematic assessments of the impact of school shooting events on communities are therefore needed. This requires the consolidation of community and individual approaches. Comparative study designs would further benefit from international collaboration across disciplines. Extreme school violence has also become a national concern and deeper understanding of crime related anxieties in contemporary Finland also requires community-based surveys.

Digital Humanities For Everyone’s Benefit?: interplay in social media with the great audience, high-esteemed researcher and self-conscious library

The National Library of Finland realizes the Digitization Project of Kindred Languages in 2012–15. The project is financially supported by the Kone Foundation. During this project the National Library of Finland has digitized and made available approximately 1200 monograph and more than 100 newspaper titles in several Uralic languages. The materials are available to both researchers and citizens in the National Library’s Fenno-Ugrica collection. The project will produce digitized materials in the Uralic languages as well as their development tools to support linguistic research and citizen science. The resulting materials will constitute the largest resource for the Uralic languages in the world. Through this project, researchers will gain access to corpora which they have not been able to study before and to which all users will have open access regardless of their place of residence. In my presentation, I will discuss 1) how we utilized the social media (Facebook, Twitter, VKontakte etc) to gain audience for our collection and 2) how the needs of researchers and laymen were met in crowdsourcing.

Recovery boilers - history and future

Recovery boilers are built all over the world. The roots of recovery technology are longer than the roots of recovery boilers. But it wasn’t until the invention of recovery boilers before the Second World War that the pulping technology was revolutionalized. This led to long development of essentially the same type of equipment, culminating into units that are largest biofuel boilers in the world. Early recovery technology concentrated on chemical recovery as chemicals cost money and if one could recycle these chemicals then the profitability of pulp manufacture would improve. For pulp mills the significance of electricity generation from the recovery boiler was for long secondary. The most important design criterion for the recovery boiler was a high availability. The electricity generation in recovery boiler process can be increased by elevated main steam pressure and temperature or by higher black liquor dry solids as well as improving its steam cycle. This has been done in the modern Scandinavian units.

Punaisten naisten tiet. Valtiorikosoikeuteen vuonna 1918 joutuneiden Porin seudun naisten toiminta sota-aikana, tuomiot ja myöhemmät elämänvaiheet

Suomen sisällissotaan osallistui vuonna 1918 naisia molemmin puolin rintamaa erilaisissa tehtävissä. Taisteluiden jälkeen yli 5500 punaista naista joutui valtiorikosoikeuteen syytettynä valtiopetoksellisesta toiminnasta. Ne noin 2000 naista, jotka palvelivat punakaartissa aseistettuina, ovat pitkään hallinneet sitä kuvaa, joka suomalaisilla on ollut punaisista naisista. Sen sijaan on tiedetty hyvin vähän niistä naisista, joiden valkoiset katsoivat edistäneen valtiopetosta muilla keinoilla. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan, millaisia olivat Porin seudulla ne kapinasta syytetyt naiset, jotka eivät olleet tarttuneet aseisiin ja mikä oli heidän myöhempi kohtalonsa. Työn ensimmäisessä osassa tutkitaan valtiorikosoikeuteen joutuneiden naisten taustaa, toimintaa sota-aikana ja tästä aiheutuneita välittömiä seuraamuksia. Millaisia henkilöitä päätyi valtiorikosoikeuden eteen tuomittavaksi? Millaisissa tehtävissä he olivat sota-aikana toimineet ja miksi? Mitkä seikat olivat oikeudessa raskauttavia, kun valtiorikostuomioita jaettiin? Työn jälkimmäisessä osassa tutkitaan, mitä punaisille naisille tapahtui sodan jälkeen ja miksi näin kävi. Sisällissodan jälkeistä maailmaa hahmotetaan etsimällä vastauksia seuraaviin kysymyksiin: Millainen oli se yhteiskunnassa vallinnut ajan henki, jonka vaikutuspiiriin naiset valtiorikosoikeudesta ja vankilasta palasivat? Miten yhteisö otti heidät vastaan? Miten heihin suhtauduttiin työmarkkinoilla? Miten käsiteltiin punaisia leskiä ja orpoja? Mitä punaisilta odotettiin kansalaisina ja miten heistä pyrittiin muokkaamaan yhteiskuntakelpoisia? Miten poliittisen elämän uudelleenvirittely onnistui ja kiinnostiko se enää näitä naisia? Miten suomalaisen yhteiskunnan muuttuessa myös sen suhtautuminen punaisiin muuttui? Millaisilla toimilla valtiovalta pyrki eri vaiheissa yhtenäistämään rikkirevennyttä kansaa ja miten se näkyi yksittäisten ihmisten elämässä? Ajan kuluessa asenteet muuttuivat ja naiset vanhenivat. Miten naiset kuvasivat kokemaansa myöhemmin omaisilleen? Kysymyksiä pohditaan paikallisesta, Porin seudun näkökulmasta, mutta niitä peilataan kuitenkin jatkuvasti valtakunnalliseen tilanteeseen. Kontekstualisoi- malla paikalliskokemukset laajempaan kokonaisuuteen on voitu paremmin selittää tapahtunutta, ja paikallistutkimuksen kautta on nähty myös koko maassa vallinneita yleisiä olosuhteita. Tutkimuksen kohteena on 267 Porista, Porin maalaiskunnasta ja Ulvilasta kotoisin olevaa naista, jotka joutuivat valtiorikosoikeuden tutkittaviksi. Keskeisimpänä lähdeaineistona ovat seurakuntien rippikirjat ja maistraattien henkikirjat sekä Kansallisarkiston, Kansan arkiston ja Työväen arkistojen sisällissotaa ja sen jälkeistä poliittista elämää valottavat kokoelmat. Tutkimuksen naisista enemmistö oli 18−37-vuotiaita työläisnaisia. Aiemmin rikoksista tuomittuja heidän joukossaan oli hyvin vähän. Suurin osa (n. 71 %) työskenteli punakaartin huollossa keittiö-, siivous- ja vaatetusosastoilla. Noin 21 % työskenteli sairaanhoidossa, ja loput kahdeksan prosenttia olivat punakaartin hallintoa avustavissa muissa tehtävissä. Naiset saivat pääosin lieviä, 2−3 vuoden ehdollisia tuomioita. Vain joka kymmenes nainen tuomittiin ehdottomaan rangaistukseen. Punakaartiin vasta pakomatkalla liittyneet ja kaartissa vähäisissä tehtävissä lyhytaikaisesti toimineet henkilöt vapautettiin syytteistä. Tutkimuksessani olen osoittanut, millaisia vaikeuksia paluu sodanjälkeiseen arkeen tuotti naisille. Varsinkin yksin lastensa kanssa jääneillä oli monenlaisia ongelmia. Sodan aikana levitetty propaganda oli osaltaan lisäämässä vaikeuksia. Toisaalta työtilanne parantui monen naisen osalta jo vuoden 1918 aikana, ja oman punaisen yhteisön tarjoama tuki helpotti arjesta selviytymistä. Elämä tasaantui, naiset perustivat perheitä ja osa palasi työelämään ja politiikkaan. Säilyneiden lähteiden valossa sisällissota näyttäisi radikalisoineen vain pienen osan naisista, kun taas enemmistö kannatti maltillisia sosialidemokraatteja tai jäi kokonaan pois politiikasta. Punaiseksi leimautuminen valtiorikosoikeudessa ei pakottanut naisia muuttamaan uudelle paikkakunnalle; Porin seudulla ja yleensä vielä omassa suvussakin oli riittävästi entisiä punaisia luomassa kollektiivista tukea. Myös valtiovalta pyrki rauhoittamaan poliittista tilannetta ja sopeuttamaan punaisia yhteiskuntaan monin uudistuksin. Naisten kannalta merkittävin myönnytys tapahtui jatkosodan aikana, kun punalesket lopulta oikeutettiin valtiollisen eläkkeen piiriin. Tämä tutkimus on ensimmäinen punaisista naisista laadittu eräänlainen kollektiivinen elämäkerta, jossa on tarkasteltu heidän sodanjälkeistä elämäänsä. Yhteenvetona voidaan todeta, että Porin seudulta valtiorikosoikeuteen joutuneet naiset olivat tavallisia työläisnaisia. Sota ja osallisuus siihen ei tätä asiaa muuttanut. Naiset sopeutuivat yhteiskuntaan nopeasti ja elivät pääosin tavallista työläisperheen arkea sodan jälkeenkin.

Cleavages in contemporary Finland : a study on party-voter ties

Cleavages have been central in understanding the relationship between political parties and voters but the credibility of cleavage approach has been increasingly debated. This is because of decreasing party loyalty, fewer ideological differences between the parties and general social structural change amongst other factors. By definition, cleavages arise when social structural groups recognize their clashing interests, which are reflected in common values and attitudes, and vote for parties that are dedicated to defend the interests of the groups concerned. This study assesses relevance of cleavage approach in the Finnish context. The research problem in this study is “what kind of a cleavage structure exists in Finland at the beginning of the 21st century? Finland represents a case that has traditionally been characterized by a strong and diverse cleavage structure, notable ideological fragmentation in the electorate and an ideologically diverse party system. Nevertheless, the picture of the party-voter ties in Finland still remains incomplete with regard to a thorough analysis of cleavages. In addition, despite the vast amount of literature on cleavages in political science, studies that thoroughly analyze national cleavage structures by assessing the relationship between social structural position, values and attitudes and party choice have been rare. The research questions are approached by deploying statistical analyses, and using Finnish National Election Studies from 2003, 2007 and 2011as data. In this study, seven different social structural cleavage bases are analyzed: native language, type of residential area, occupational class, education, denomination, gender and age cohorts. Four different value/attitudinal dimensions were identified in this study: economic right and authority, regional and socioeconomic equality, sociocultural and European Union dimensions. This study shows that despite the weak overall effect of social structural positions on values and attitudes, a few rather strong connections between them were identified. The overall impact of social structural position and values and attitudes on party choice varies significantly between parties. Cleavages still exist in Finland and the cleavage structure partly reflects the old basis in the Finnish party system. The cleavage that is based on the type of residential area and reflected in regional and socioeconomic equality dimensions concerns primarily the voters of the Centre Party and the Coalition Party. The linguistic cleavage concerns mostly the voters of the Swedish People’s Party. The classic class cleavage reflected in the regional and socioeconomic equality dimension concerns in turn first and foremost the blue-collar voters of the Left Alliance and the Social Democratic Party, the agricultural entrepreneur voters of the Centre Party and higher professional and manager voters of the Coalition Party. The conflict with the most potential as a cleavage is the one based on social status (occupational class and education) and it is reflected in sociocultural and EU dimensions. It sets the voters of the True Finns against the voters of the Green League and the Coalition Party. The study underlines the challenges the old parties have met after the volatile election in 2011, which shook the cleavage structure. It also describes the complexity involved in the Finnish conflict structure and the multidimensionality in the electoral competition between the parties.

The Construction of ‘Disciplinary’ Violence Against Children — Social Workers’, Police Officers’ and Parents’ Rationales

This dissertation examines parental disciplinary violence against children in authority records and in the criminal procedure in Finland. The main aim is to analyze disciplinary violence, how it is defined, and how it is constructed as a crime by social workers, the police, and parents. This dissertation consists of four sub-studies and a summary article. In the first sub-study, I examine how disciplinary violence appears in child welfare documents and analyze the decision-making processes and measures taken by the child welfare workers. The second sub-study, utilizing police interview data, examines police officers’ perceptions of disciplinary violence, its criminalization, and its investigation. In addition to this analysis of police officers’ own perceptions, in the third sub-study, I use reports of crime and pre-trial investigation documents to look at what a typical suspicion of disciplinary violence coming to the attention of the police is and examine the decision-making processes of the police. Utilizing authority data, the fourth sub-study analyzes how parents rationalize the use of disciplinary violence to the authorities investigating these suspicions. The research provides findings that are unprecedented in Finland. Firstly, it was shown that social workers’ decision-making processes in suspicions of disciplinary violence follow three pathways of reasoning, with many factors taken into consideration; and in less than one-third of the cases, a request for criminal investigation has been made to the police. Secondly, it was verified that police officers hold different perceptions of disciplinary violence, and these perceptions have multiple effects on the investigation of these cases and the construction of disciplinary violence as a crime. Thirdly, the analysis of the reports of crime and pre-trial investigation documents showed that almost two-thirds of the cases of disciplinary violence had been sent to a prosecutor by the police and, thus, defined as a crime. However, in many cases, acts of disciplinary violence were often seen as ‘educational, petty one-off incidents’ and a possible trial and punishment for the perpetrator were seen as unreasonable. Fourthly, it was found that parents often try to neutralize and rationalize the violence they have used against their children, for example, either by denying the victim, the criminal intent, or the entire act, or relying on the necessity of the forbidden act. The dissertation concludes that disciplinary violence is defined and constructed in authority policies and practices, first and foremost, by the severity of the act, the nature of the act as continuous or singular, the perceived harm caused by the act to a child, and the perceptions of authorities regarding physical punishment of children. The asymmetrical power setting present in disciplinary violence and parents’ legitimized right to raise and discipline their children partly seem to explain why criminal-law processing of these suspicions of violence and understanding these as crimes is difficult. Finally, this research calls for more coherent and consistent authority practices and policies, achieved by educating authorities and increasing awareness on disciplinary violence, questions the need for a concept like ‘disciplinary’ violence, and suggests more emphasis on unambiguous perceptions of a child’s best interest.

Impact of Product-harm Crisis on Brand Equity: the Moderating Role of Corporate Social Performance

There is an increasing amount of product-harm crisis in the past few years; and the impact of a product-harm crisis becomes more and more influential due to the high increasing speed of globalization. And it is believed that the negative damages to a firm leading to a loss of the intangible assets is bigger than other costs such as the cost of the product recall. Brand equity is a very important and valuable intangible asset for a firm; and it is particularly vulnerable during the crisis. And CSP (CSP) is a hot concept associated with product-harm crisis and brand equity. The aim of this study is to understand how product-harm crisis influences by simultaneously involving CSP as a moderator in a consumer-based level. An experimental study was conducted through an online questionnaire among 198 students in Finland. The questionnaire mainly assessed the consumers’ attitudes towards CSP and brand before/after a fictional product-harm crisis. The results shows that the brand equity was negatively related to the product-harm crisis. And the extent level of crisis’s severity was positively related to the loss of the brand equity; whereas, acknowledged blame was more useful to compensate the loss of brand equity in the low-severity crisis. CSP acted as a moderator role which could compensate the loss of brand equity caused by the product-harm crisis. Managerial implications are also offered for crisis managers, brand managers, and CSR managers.

The Role Of Social Networks In New Venture Internationalization: Case Of Russian And Finnish Firms

The purpose of current master thesis research is to investigate the role of social networks in internationalization of Russian and Finnish firms. Literature review of existing empirical researches on the topic is conducted in order to identify the gap, which is fulfilled by empirical research of 4 Russian and 1 Finnish firm that have established international operations no later than 8 years since their foundation. In-depth semi-structured interviews have shown that business network has been an influencing factor in firms’ internationalization and that even if social network is not the driver of internationalization, it becomes important when a company has established international presence and is working on its enlargement. The study has both theoretical and practical contribution by contributing to research of Russian and Finnish firms’ internationalization and by showing examples of successful foreign market entry of companies from different industries. General practical implication of current thesis is that it shows the efficient ways of entrepreneurs’ social network usage in business development in international scope.