49 resultados para Persian-gulf-war
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This dissertation explores the complicated relations between Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian postwar refugees and American foreign policymakers between 1948 and 1960. There were seemingly shared interests between the parties during the first decade of the Cold War. Generally, Eastern European refugees refused to recognize Soviet hegemony in their homelands, and American policy towards the Soviet bloc during the Truman and Eisenhower administrations sought to undermine the Kremlin’s standing in the region. More specifically, Baltic refugees and State Department officials sought to preserve the 1940 non-recognition policy towards the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States. I propose that despite the seemingly natural convergence of interests, the American experiment of constructing a State-Private network revolving around fostering relations with exile groups was fraught with difficulties. These difficulties ultimately undermined any ability that the United States might have had to liberate the Baltic States from the Soviet Union. As this dissertation demonstrates, Baltic exiles were primarily concerned with preserving a high level of political continuity to the interwar republics under the assumption that they would be able to regain their positions in liberated, democratic societies. American policymakers, however, were primarily concerned with maintaining the non-recognition policy, the framework in which all policy considerations were analyzed. I argue that these two motivating factors created unnecessary tensions in American policy towards the Baltic republics in the spheres of psychological warfare as well as exile unity in the United States and Europe. Despite these shortcomings, I argue that out of the exiles’ failings was born a generation of Baltic constituents that blurred the political legitimacy line between exiles who sought to return home and ethnic Americans who were loyal to the United States. These Baltic constituents played an important role in garnering the support of the United States Congress, starting in the 1950s, but became increasingly influential after the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, despite the seemingly less important role Eastern Europe played in the Cold War. The actions of the Baltic constituents not only prevented the Baltic question from being forever lost in the memory hole of history, but actually created enough political pressure on the State Department that it was impossible to alter the long-standing policy of not recognizing the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States.
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Kirjallisuusarvostelu
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This study is part of the Minimizing risks of maritime oil transport by holistic safety strategies (MIMIC) project. The purpose of this study is to provide a current state analysis of oil transportation volumes in the Baltic Sea and to create scenarios for oil transportation in the Gulf of Finland for the years 2020 and 2030. Future scenarios and information about oil transportation will be utilized in the modelling of oil transportation risks, which will be carried out as part of the MIMIC project. Approximately 290 million tons of oil and oil products were transported in the Baltic Sea in 2009, of which 55% (160 million tons) via the Gulf of Finland. Oil transportation volumes in the Gulf of Finland have increased from 40 million to almost 160 million tonnes over the last ten years. In Russia and Estonia, oil transportation mainly consists of export transports of the Russian oil industry. In Finnish ports in the Gulf of Finland, the majority of oil traffic is concentrated to the port of Sköldvik, while the remainder mainly consists of different oil products for domestic use. Transit transports to/from Russia make up small volumes of oil transportation. The largest oil ports in the Gulf of Finland are Primorsk, Tallinn, St. Petersburg and Sköldvik. The basis for the scenarios for the years 2020 and 2030 is formed by national energy strategies, the EU`s climate and energy strategies as well other energy and transportation forecasts for the years 2020 and 2030. Three alternative scenarios were produced for both 2020 and 2030. The oil volumes are based on the expert estimates of nine specialists. The specialists gave three volumes for each scenario: the expected oil transport volumes, and the minimum and maximum volumes. Variations in the volumes between the scenarios are not large, but each scenario tends to have rather a large difference between the figures for minimum and maximum volumes. This variation between the minimum and maximum volumes ranges around 30 to 40 million tonnes depending on the scenario. On the basis of this study, no a dramatic increase in oil transportation volumes in the Gulf of Finland is to be expected. Most of the scenarios only forecasted a moderate growth in maritime oil transportation compared to the current levels. The effects of the European energy policy favouring renewable energy sources can be seen in the 2030 scenarios, in which the transported oil volumes are smaller than in the 2020 scenarios. In the Slow development 2020 scenario, oil transport volumes for 2020 are expected to be 170.6 Mt (million tonnes), in the Average development 2020 187.1 Mt and in the Strong development 2020 201.5 Mt. The corresponding oil volumes for the 2030 scenarios were 165 Mt for the Stagnating development 2030 scenario, 177.5 Mt for the Towards a greener society 2030 scenario and 169.5 Mt in the Decarbonising society 2030 scenario.
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12 x 18 cm
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I min avhandling undersöker jag av kriget framkallade psykiska störningar hos finländska soldater under fortsättningskriget. Vilka var de psykiskt invalidiserade soldaterna och hurudana var deras traumatiska erfarenheter? Vilken var den bredare upplevelsevärlden vid fronten där störningarna uppstod, och hur kan man förklara att majoriteten av soldaterna ändå klarade sig utan mentala rubbningar i denna av våld präglade miljö? Hur förhöll sig Finlands armé i allmänhet och den krigspsykiatri som utvecklades under kriget specifikt till soldaternas psykiska störningar? Som Matti Ponteva redan 1977 utredde, det totala antalet psykiatriska soldatpatienter under fortsättningskriget var ca 15 700 män. I min undersökning betonar jag att den siffran omfattar endast en del av fenomenet: långt ifrån alla finländska soldater som uppvisade psykiska symptom förpassades från fronten i psykiatrisk vård. De finländska psykiatrerna hade före vinterkriget inte kommit i direkt kontakt med av krig orsakade psykiska störningar. Deras kunskaper kom nästan uteslutande från den tyska krigspsykiatrin, där den ledande tanken framför allt efter första världskriget var att förklara psykiska störningar med soldaternas personliga brister och svagheter. Slutligen resonerar jag, varför synen på soldaternas psykiska störningar på ett så markant sätt skilde sig från synen på andra krigsskador. Att soldater stupade eller sårades fysiskt kunde framställas som yttringar av manligt hjältemod och offervillighet. Att brytas ner psykiskt av kriget blev däremot en tom symbol för våldet och saknade annat innehåll än uttryckligen en meningslöshet. Psykiska störningar associerades med ett moraliskt fördömande och ett stigma av skam, och förutom att man tenderade att förneka och marginalisera deras existens försökte man göra en skillnad mellan dem och den egentliga krigsupplevelsen. Det har varit problematiskt att inkludera de psykiskt rubbade soldaterna i den nationella historieskrivningen fram till våra dagar.
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Tässä tutkimuksessa käsitellään heavy metal -kappaleiden sanoitusten sisältöä. Tutkimusmateriaaliin on valittu yksi teema, sota, jonka avulla avataan sanoitusten sisältöä ja merkitystä. Metallimusiikki alakulttuurina on tyylillisesti ja temaattisesti spesifi, ja sillä on omat musiikilliset tavoitteensa. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erityisesti sitä miten sotaa kritisoidaan tai perustellaan heavy rock -sanoituksissa. Tutkimusmateriaalini koostuu 29 englanninkielisen kappaleen sanoituksesta vuosilta 1970–2012. Edustettuina on useita ajanjaksoja sekä maita. Yhdistävänä tekijänä on englannin kielen lisäksi se, että kaikki sanoitukset käsittelevät modernia länsimaista sodankäyntiä. Tekstit valittiin sen perusteella, että niissä ilmeni positiivinen tai negatiivinen näkökulma sotaan. Tutkimus nojaa Theo van Leeuwenin legitimaatioteoriaan, joka puolestaan pohjautuu diskurssianalyysiin. Legitimaatioteoria käsittää neljä strategiaa, jotka voivat joko kritisoida tai perustella sosiaalisia käytänteitä. Ne ovat auktoriteetteihin vetoaminen, moraalinen arviointi, järkeistäminen ja mytopoeesi. Yksi tavoitteistani tutkimuksessani on selvittää legitimaatioteorian toimivuutta omassa materiaalissani. Käytän metodina lähilukua, joka mahdollistaa niiden sanojen ja ilmaisujen identifioimisen, jotka ovat näkökulmaltaan joko positiivisesti tai negatiivisesti sotaan suhtautuvia. Analyysini kannalta tärkeitä ovat sekä kieli- että kulttuurikonteksti, sillä ne määrittelevät sanojen merkityksen. Analyysin perusteella kävi ilmi, että esimerkit jakautuivat eri strategioiden välille hyvin epätasaisesti. Auktoriteetteihin vetoamisen strategiasta löytyi vain yksi esimerkki, kun taas moraalisen arvioinnin esimerkkejä oli neljätoista. Lisäksi kaikkia legitimaatioteorian alaryhmiä ei löytynyt materiaalista ollenkaan. Osalla alaryhmistä oli useita esiintymiä, mutta osalla vain yksi. Esimerkkien epätasaista jakautumista selittää mm. se, että tutkimuksen materiaalin kannalta kaikki alakategoriat eivät ole relevantteja. Jotta tutkimustuloksista saataisiin edustavampi, laajempi otanta olisi tarpeen. Legitimaatioteorian soveltuvuutta sanoituksien yhteydessä tulisi tutkia laajemmin.
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Ever since Siad Barre’s regime was toppled in the beginning of the 1990’s Somalia has been without an effective central government. As a result Somalia has remained in an anarchic condition of state collapse for nearly two decades. This anarchy has often been put forward as a potential breeding ground for terrorism. As a response to this threat the United States has undertaken several policies, initiatives, and operations in the Horn of Africa generally and in Somalia specifically. In this descriptive study a twofold analysis has been undertaken. First, conditions in present day Somalia as well as Somali history have been analyzed to evaluate the potential Somalia holds as a terrorist base of operations or a recruiting- or staging area. Second, US strategies and actions have been analyzed to evaluate the adequacy of the US response to the threat Somalia poses in terms of terrorism. Material for the analyses have been derived from anthropological, political, and security studies dealing with Somalia. This material has been augmented by a wide range of news coverage, western and non-western. Certain different US policy documents from different levels have been chosen to represent US strategies for the Global War on Terrorism. Because Somali social institutions, such as the clan system, hold great weight in Somali society, Somalia is a difficult area of operations for terrorist networks. In addition the changing nature of Somali alliances and the tangled webs of conflict that characterize present day Somalia aggravate the difficulties that foreign terrorist networks would encounter in Somalia, would they choose to try to utilize it in any great extent. The US has taken potential terrorism threats in Africa and specifically Somalia very seriously. US actions in Somalia have mainly focused on apprehending or neutralizing terror suspects. Such policies, coupled with backing the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia may have actually turned out increasing Somalia’s terror potential.
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Growing traffic is believed to increase the risk of an accident in the Gulf of Finland. As the consequences of a large oil accident would be devastating in the vulnerable sea area, accident prevention is performed at the international, regional and national levels. Activities of shipping companies are governed with maritime safety policy instruments, which can be categorised into regulatory, economic and information instruments. The maritime regulatory system has been criticised for being inefficient because it has not been able to eliminate the violations that enable accidents. This report aims to discover how maritime governance systems or maritime safety policy instruments could be made more efficient in the future, in order to improve the maritime safety level. The results of the research are based on a literature review and nine expert interviews, with participants from shipping companies, interest groups and authorities. Based on the literature and the interviews, a suggestion can be made that in the future, instead of implementing new policy instruments, maritime safety risks should be eliminated by making the existing system more efficient and by influencing shipping companies’ safety culture and seafarers’ safety related attitudes. Based on this research, it can be stated that the development of maritime safety policy instruments should concentrate on harmonisation, automation and increasing national and cross-border cooperation. These three tasks could be primarily accomplished by developing the existing technology. Human error plays a role in a significant number of maritime accidents. Because of this, improving companies’ safety culture and voluntary activities that go beyond laws are acknowledged as potential ways of improving maritime safety. In the future, maritime regulatory system should be developed into a direction where the private sector has better possibilities to take part in decision-making.
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De protestantiska prästernas hustrur, prästfruarna, inom Landeskirche Hannover utgör en liten grupp konfessionellt bundna och troende kvinnor som jag undersökt ur kvinnohistoriskt och kulturvetenskapligt perspektiv. Jag belyser förändringarna i synen på prästgård, prästfruns värv och församling under mitten av 1900-talet då prästfruarna förlorade sin ställning i samhälle och församling. Prästfruarna framstår som vittnen över slutet på en epok som började med reformationen och som visat sig vara grundläggande för utformningen av moderniteten liksom också för övergången till senmoderna makt- och socialtekniker som lett till dagens emancipatoriska krav på självförverkligande med jaget som expert. Förändringarna ledde till kvinnopolitiska segrar, som bättre tillgång till arbetsmarknaden, men också till en hittills inte undersökt tragisk sida av denna modernisering, nämligen hur det självständiga handlingsutrymme försvann som prästfruarna hade i prästgård och församling just som kvinnor. Den protestantiska kyrkan bidrog så till en revolutionerande strukturomvandling för att referera till historikerna Lutz Raphael och Anselm Doering-Manteuffel.
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Soitinnus: orkesteri.
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Soitinnus: lauluääni (tenori), orkesteri.