24 resultados para civil forfeiture, in rem
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
Resumo:
To learn more about the effect of economic conditions oncivil war, we examine whether Sub-Saharan civil wars aremore likely to start following downturns in the internationalprice of countries main export commodities. The data showa robust effect of commodity price downturns on the outbreakof civil wars. We also find that Sub-Saharan countries aremore likely to see civil wars following economic downturnsin their main OECD export destinations.
Resumo:
La virtualitat de la formulació de la llibertat civil com a principi de l'ordenament civil català és, precisament, que permet projectar-la sobre qualsevol àmbit en el qual el poder de decisió resti en poder dels particulars. Així doncs, el legislador parteix del respecte per a l'autonomia privada com a eina d'autoregulació d'interessos. A Catalunya, el principi de llibertat civil en la regulació de les relacions familiars és més extens que en el Codi Civil, d'acord amb la pròpia tradició jurídica, palesada en tots els textos legals. La llibertat civil té una àmplia projecció en l'organització de les institucions de protecció de la persona. El legislador ha optat per un sistema de familiar, amb la justa intervenció judicial de control (p.ex., la designació voluntària d'òrgans de protecció té caràcter vinculant pel jutge). El principi de llibertat civil es veu enormement enfortit en la futura legislació representada avui per l'encara Avantprojecte de Llei del Llibre segon Codi Civil de Catalunya. L'Avantprojecte també vindrà a reforçar la llibertat dels contraents o cònjuges pel que fa a l'autorregulació de les seves relacions patrimonials intensificant la possibilitat de pactes abdicatius o limitatius dels drets derivats d'una futura ruptura i introduint una regulació al respecte amb atenció als límits que la doctrina i la jurisprudència ha vingut imposant a les experiències pràctiques en aquest àmbit. Les unions estables no es poden sostreure a l'aplicació dels mínims legals: la llibertat de ser només “de fet” pràcticament no existeix. Ens trobem davant una qüestió d'ordre públic perquè és una nova modalitat de família a la que s'ha de dispensar la protecció constitucional (art. 39 CE). La llibertat es limita a escollir entre que el vincle o unió sigui matrimonial o no. L'Avantprojecte incrementa la intervenció de l'Estat: la llibertat es redueix al contingut dels pactes reguladors de la convivència i de la seva crisi.
Resumo:
El treball analitza les institucions de protecció de la persona en el dret civil de Catalunya, d’acord amb la nova regulació del llibre segon CCCat: la potestat parental, la tutela, la curatela, el defensor judicial, la guarda de fet, l’assistència, la protecció patrimonial de la persona discapacitada o dependent, i la protecció dels menors desemparats
Resumo:
Does economic growth affect the likelihood of civil war? Answering this question requires dealing with reverse causation. Our approach exploits that international commodity prices have a significant effect on the income growth of Sub-Saharan African countries. We show that lower income growth makes civil war more likely in non-democracies. This effect is significantly weaker in democracies; as a result, we find no link between growth and civil war in these countries. Our reducedform results also indicate that lower international commodity price growth has no effect on civil war in democracies, but raises the likelihood of civil war incidence and onset in nondemocracies.
Resumo:
Adopting a simplistic view of Coase (1960), most economic analyses of property rightsdisregard both the key advantage that legal property rights (that is, in rem rights) provide torightholders in terms of enhanced enforcement, and the difficulties they pose to acquirers interms of information asymmetry about legal title. Consequently, these analyses tend to overstatethe role of "private ordering" and disregard the two key elements of property law: first, theessential conflict between property (that is, in rem) enforcement and transaction costs; and,second, the institutional solutions created to overcome it, mainly contractual registries capable ofmaking truly impersonal (that is, asset-based) trade viable when previous relevant transactionson the same assets are not verifiable by judges. This paper fills this gap by reinterpreting bothelements within the Coasean framework and thus redrawing the institutional foundations of bothproperty and corporate contracting.
Resumo:
Using an event-study methodology, this paper analyzes the aftermath of civil war in a cross-section of countries. It focuses on those experiences where the end of conflict marks the beginning of a relatively lasting peace. The paper considers 41 countries involved in internal wars in the period 1960-2003. In order to provide a comprehensive evaluation of the aftermath of war, the paper considers a host of social areas represented by basic indicators of economic performance, health and education, political development, demographic trends, and conflict and security issues. For each of these indicators, the paper first compares the post- and pre-war situations and then examines their dynamic trends during the post-conflict period. It conducts this analysis both in absolute and relative terms, the latter in relation to control groups of otherwise similar countries. The paper concludes that, even though war has devastating effects and its aftermath can be immensely difficult, when the end of war marks the beginning of lasting peace, recovery and improvement are indeed achieved.
Resumo:
The dominant hypothesis in the literature that studies conflict is that poverty is the main cause of civil wars. We instead analyze the effect of institutions on civil war, controlling for income per capita. In our set up, institutions are endogenous and colonial origins affect civil wars through their legacy on institutions. Our results indicate that institutions, proxied by the protection of property rights, rule of law and the efficiency of the legal system, are a fundamental cause of civil war. In particular, an improvement in institutions from the median value in the sample to the 75th percentile is associated with a 38 percentage points reduction in the incidence of civil wars. Moreover, once institutions are included as explaining civil wars, income does not have any effect on civil war, either directly or indirectly.
Resumo:
La Propuesta para la Modernización del Derecho de Obligaciones y Contratos, hecha pública por la Sección Primera, de Derecho Civil, de la Comisión General de Codificación española en 2009, introduce una nueva concepción del contrato civil, de manera especial incorpora el nuevo concepto de cumplimiento contractual que se defiende en los textos legales europeos sobre la compraventa y en el borrador del Commnon Frame of Reference, así como en la normativa europea sobre los Derechos de los consumidores. En este artículo se da cuenta de tales avances en cuanto pueden referirse, no solo al contrato de compraventa, regulado ex novo en la Propuesta, sino también al contrato de servicios. Se propone centrar la mirada también en este contrato y acometer su regulación.
Resumo:
Between the mid-nineteenth century and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936, Spain undertook a sustained process of economic growth and structural change, but was unable to converge with the core European economies.1 The reasons behind Spain"s failure to converge have been a subject of debate among historians for decades. 2 This dissertation aims to analyze the role played by infrastructure in Spanish economic growth during that period, and tries to find out to what extent the potential shortage or inadequacy of the Spanish infrastructure endowment was one of the factors to blame for the country"s nonconvergence. The dissertation draws on recent research on the economic impact of infrastructure, and on the numerous attempts to measure that impact which have been undertaken in the wake of David Aschauer"s work on the United States.
Resumo:
This article focuses on the analysis of the regulatory framework of citizen participation in the local government, which organises direct and participatory democracy at the local level, and identifies the laws and mechanisms through which the constitutional requirements for participation are accomplished. Mu nicipalities, the authority closest to citizens, are the best level of government since they directly involve civil society in the decision-making process experiencing the scope and appropriateness of the instruments by which it is channeled.
Resumo:
In the evolution of Catalan nationalism, as much politician as cultural, the period of II Spanish Republic (1931-1939) was essential. The obtaining of the Statute of Autonomy (1931-1932) supposed the beginning of a stage of expansion in multiple aspects. One of them were the contacts with the Catalanists nuclei of the rest of the cultural space of Catalan language in which, at that time, it would begin to call Catalan Countries (Balearic Islands, Valencian Country, Andorra, Rosselló, to l'Alguer). On Those Collaborations between cultural organizations, political and particular parties Catalonia always will be the model to follow. The Increasing connections will be visualized on press, as well as on cultural celebrations, policy of parties and Constituent Courts. This evolution will be cut by the Franco victory in the Civil War in 1939.
Resumo:
Since World War II there have been about fifty episodes of large-scale mass killings of civilians and massive forced displacements. They were usually meticulously planned and independent of military goals. We provide a model where conflict onset, conflict intensity and the decision to commit mass killings are all endogenous, with two main goals: (1) to identify the key variables and situations that make mass killings more likely to occur; and (2) to distinguish conditions under which mass killings and military conflict intensity reinforce each other from situations where they are substitute modes of strategic violence. We predict that mass killings are most likely in societies with large natural resources, significant proportionality constraints for rent sharing, low productivity and low state capacity. Further, massacres are more likely in a civil than in an interstate war, as in the latter group sizes matter less for future rents. In non polarized societies there are asymmetric equilibria with only the larger group wanting to engage in massacres. In such settings the smaller group compensates for this by fighting harder in the first place. In this case we can talk of mass killings and fighting efforts to be substitutes. In contrast, in polarized societies either both or none of the groups can be ready to do mass killings in case of victory. Under the "shadow of mass killings" groups fight harder. Hence, in this case massacres and fighting are complements. We also present novel empirical results on the role of natural resources in mass killings and on what kinds of ethnic groups are most likely to be victimized in massacres and forced resettlements, using group level panel data.
Resumo:
L’estudi dels materials de construcció és una part fonamental de la formació de l’estudiantat en l’àmbit de la Enginyeria Civil. En aquest context, una part rellevant de les assignatures de Química de Materials i Materials de Construcció és aquella que fa referència als diversos mètodes d’assaig i procediments que ens permeten analitzar i estudiar les característiques d’un material. Per aquesta raó, és de gran importància que els alumnes puguin disposar d’unes determinades hores en les quals l’aprenentatge es realitza a través de la pràctica en el laboratori dels procediments estudiats a classe i la realització d’un informe posterior en el qual quedin reflectits els coneixements adquirits durant l’activitat en el laboratori. Malauradament, la realització de pràctiques en el laboratori du aparellades una sèrie de limitacions (espai, temps, utilització de reactius perillosos o instrumental sofisticat), que fan que el nombre d’activitats d’aquesta mena sigui necessàriament restringit. D'altra banda, l'estudi dels materials només es completa quan els coneixements adquirits a l'aula i al laboratori surten d'aquests àmbits i es confronten amb les situacions reals amb les quals es pot trobar un enginyer durant l'exercici de la seva professió. L'organització de visites a diverses instal·lacions al llarg del curs cobreix en part aquesta necessitat, tot i alguns inconvenients logístics (grups nombrosos, alumnes de mobilitat reduïda i altres). La finalitat d'aquest projecte ha estat posar en funcionament una dinàmica de treball que permeti a l'estudiantat aprofundir en el coneixement dels materials de construcció i el seu comportament en situacions reals amb les quals es trobarà en l'exercici de la seva professió. Aquesta metodologia es basa en l'ús de materials audiovisuals elaborats sota criteris d'adequació pedagògica i que responen a les demandes professionals del futur enginyer. Les possibilitats ofertes per un entorn virtual d'aprenentatge (tecnologia Moodle) permeten el disseny d'activitats que motivin l’autoaprenentatge de l’alumnat.
Resumo:
Aquest sistema, donarà la possibilitat als funcionaris d'una determinada Delegació, de conèixer la seva productivitat via web, als caps de Servei introduir les avaluacions dels empleats al seu càrrec sense necessitat de reunió prèvia, i al cap de personal la de validar la productivitat i exportar el fitxer resultat a l'aplicació de Nòmines.
Resumo:
Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts