Authoritarian Responses to Foreign Pressure: Spending, Repression, and Sanctions

This paper explores how international sanctions affect authoritarian rulers’ decisions concerning repression and public spending composition, and how different authoritarian rulers respond to foreign pressure. If sanctions are assumed to increase the price of loyalty to the regime, then rulers whose budgets are not severely constrained by sanctions will tend to increase spending in those categories that most benefit their core support groups. In contrast, when constraints are severe due to reduced aid and trade, dictators are expected to greatly increase their levels of repression. Using data on regime types, public expenditures and spending composition (1970–2000) as well as on repression levels (1976–2001), we show that the empirical patterns conform well to our theoretical expectations. Single-party regimes, when targeted by sanctions, increase spending on subsidies and transfers which largely benefit more substantial sectors of the population and especially the urban classes. Likewise, military regimes increase their expenditures on goods and services, which include military equipment and soldiers’ and officers’ wages. Conversely, personalist regimes reduce spending in all categories, especially capital expenditures, while increasing repression much more than other regime types when targeted by sanctions.

Financial Repression in a Natural Experiment: Loan Allocation and the Change in the Usury Laws in 1714

If financial deepening aids economic growth, then financial repression should be harmful. We use a natural experiment – the change in the English usury laws in 1714 – to analyze the effects of interest rate restrictions. We use a sample of individual loan transactions to demonstrate how the reduction of the legal maximum rate of interest affected the supply and demand for credit. Average loan size and minimum loan size increased strongly, and access to credit worsened for those with little ‘social capital.’ While we have no direct evidence that loans were misallocated, the discontinuity in loan receipts makes this highly likely. We conclude that financial repression can undermine the positive effects of financial deepening.

Debt sustainability in historical perspective: The role of fiscal repression

This article examines the debt history of two contenders for European hegemony: 16th-centurySpain and 18th-century Britain. We analyze their fiscal behavior using measures of overborrowingand fiscal policy functions. Our results suggest that stringency was not key for Britain ssuccess in avoiding default. Instead, fiscal repression allowed the United Kingdom to borrowat below-market rates, thereby outspending its continental rivals.

The Francoist repression in the Catalan Countries

This article offers an overview of Francoist repression in the Catalan Countries from the outbreak of the Civil War to the first decade after the establishment of the dictatorship. It covers both physical violence and measures such as economic repression, imprisonment, professional purges and the social and moral control to which the population as a whole was subjected. First the type of violence and domination exercised by the insurgents in the territories occupied is briefly examined. Then the author offers an account of the events: she commences in the summer of 1936 in Majorca, the only Catalan-speaking territory to remain in rebel hands, then proceeds to the Lleida region, which was occupied in the spring of 1938, and concludes with the final offensive against Catalonia and Valencia, launched in the winter of that same year. Special stress is laid on the repercussions of the 1939 Law of Political Responsibilities and the meaning attached by the occupiers to the pacification and reconstruction of the conquered territories.

Promoter DNA Hypermethylation and Gene Repression in Undifferentiated Arabidopsis Cells

Maintaining and acquiring the pluripotent cell state in plants is critical to tissue regeneration and vegetative multiplication. Histone-based epigenetic mechanisms are important for regulating this undifferentiated state. Here we report the use of genetic and pharmacological experimental approaches to show that Arabidopsis cell suspensions and calluses specifically repress some genes as a result of promoter DNA hypermethylation. We found that promoters of the MAPK12, GSTU10 and BXL1 genes become hypermethylated in callus cells and that hypermethylation also affects the TTG1, GSTF5, SUVH8, fimbrin and CCD7 genes in cell suspensions. Promoter hypermethylation in undifferentiated cells was associated with histone hypoacetylation and primarily occurred at CpG sites. Accordingly, we found that the process specifically depends on MET1 and DRM2 methyltransferases, as demonstrated with DNA methyltransferase mutants. Our results suggest that promoter DNA methylation may be another important epigenetic mechanism for the establishment and/or maintenance of the undifferentiated state in plant cells.

Cytoplasmic accumulation of NCoR in malignant melanoma: Consequences of altered gene repression and prognostic significance

Invasive malignant melanoma (MM) is an aggressive tumor with no curative therapy available in advanced stages. Nuclear corepressor (NCoR) is an essential regulator of gene transcription, and its function has been found deregulated in different types of cancer. In colorectal cancer cells, loss of nuclear NCoR is induced by Inhibitor of kappa B kinase (IKK) through the phosphorylation of specific serine residues. We here investigate whether NCoR function impacts in MM, which might have important diagnostic and prognostic significance. By IHC, we here determined the subcellular distribution of NCoR in a cohort of 63 primary invasive MM samples, and analyzed its possible correlation with specific clinical parameters. We therefore used a microarray-based strategy to determine global gene expression differences in samples with similar tumor stage, which differ in the presence of cytoplasmic or nuclear NCoR. We found that loss of nuclear NCoR results in upregulation of a specific cancer-related genetic signature, and is significantly associated with MM progression. Inhibition of IKK activity in melanoma cells reverts NCoR nuclear distribution and specific NCoR-regulated gene transcription. Analysis of public database demonstrated that inactivating NCoR mutations are highly prevalent in MM, showing features of driver oncogene.

Are Dictators Immune to Human Rights Shaming?

This paper examines whether human rights naming and shaming destabilizes the rule of authoritarian leaders. We argue that human rights shaming can destabilize autocratic leaders by signaling international disapproval to elites in the targeted country, increasing their capacity to replace the incumbent. In personalist regimes, shaming increases the risk of irregular exit because regime elite do not have a means to peacefully replace the incumbent. Shaming campaigns also decrease foreign aid and international trade in personalist regimes, denying the leader access to resources to pay his coalition – further destabilizing his rule. In non-personalist regimes where parties or the military allow elites to peacefully replace incumbents, human rights shaming increases the risk of regular turnover of power, but has little effect on the risk of irregular exit or international flows of aid and trade. These findings have implications for understanding when and where shaming campaigns are likely to reduce or deter repression.

La repressió franquista a Calafell després de la Guerra Civil

L'objectiu general d'aquest treball és aprofundir en els processos judicials que es van dur a terme contra persones de Calafell un cop acabada la Guerra Civil.

Social media and political change: The case of the 2011 revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt

Throughout the past decade, social media have come on the scene of various popular revolts. Their role as tools of information and coordination of social movements, from the Iranian Green Movement in 2009 to the Arab uprisings in 2011, has been widely debated. In most cases, online activism through blogs, Facebook, Twitter or other forms of social media has allowed citizens to be part of a social networking exercise and to engage in a public sphere that would have otherwise been unreachable to them due to severe repression. In Tunisia and Egypt, social media helped protests start and expand thanks to their ability to coordinate and disseminate information quickly. The new information and communication tools were an influential factor in accelerating the revolutionary processes across the Arab world, albeit they cannot be seen as neither the spur nor the drivers of any revolution.

Interest rate restrictions in a natural experiment: loan allocation and the change in the usury laws in 1714

This article studies the effects of interest rate restrictions on loan allocation. The British governmenttightened the usury laws in 1714, reducing the maximum permissible interest rate from 6% to5%. A sample of individual loan transactions reveals that average loan size and minimum loan sizeincreased strongly, while access to credit worsened for those with little social capital. Collateralisedcredits, which had accounted for a declining share of total lending, returned to their former role ofprominence. Our results suggest that the usury laws distorted credit markets significantly; we findno evidence that they offered a form of Pareto-improving social insurance.

State and industry in the 1940s: The Spanish automobile industry

The decade of the 1940s was one of the darkest periods in the country's history, with years of famine, repression, general misery, and impoverishment of all aspects of national life ranging from culture to the economy. During those years plans were made to establish a Spanish motor industry once the Civil War had come to an end in 1939. It seemed a propitious moment for private enterprise and various foreign motor companies presented proposals for manufacturing their entire vehicle range, from cars to trucks. However, the government plans were for a State monopoly, a policy which meant that any private projects which did not contemplate the regime taking management decisions were rejected out of hand. From 1941 onwards, any new initiative was required to meet the plans set by INI. The main argument running through this paper is that one can only understand the development of the modern Spanish motor industry if one grasps the haggling between motor companies and government regarding market entry and the impact of the regime's autarchic policies in the 1940s.

El delito de corrupción privada: bien jurídico, estructura típica e intervinientes

[spa] A través de la LO 5/2010 el legislador español introdujo en el CP el art. 286 bis, creando un nuevo delito de corrupción privada. Según el Preámbulo a la LO 5/2010:"La idea fuerza en este ámbito es que la garantía de una competencia justa y honesta pasa por la represión de los actos encaminados a corromper a los administradores de entidades privadas de forma similar a lo que se hace a través del delito de cohecho". En este trabajo se aborda la cuestión del bien jurídico protegido, examinando la postura defendida por la doctrina mayoritaria, partidaria de la tesis de que estamos ante un delito de peligro abstracto, y se propone un planteamiento distinto: entender que se trata de un delito de peligro concreto y no abstracto. Asimismo, se realiza un estudio de la estructura típica del nuevo delito y se analizan algunos de los problemas interpretativos que plantea la corrupción entre particulares.

Pint lincRNA connects the p53 pathway with epigenetic silencing by the Polycomb repressive complex 2

BACKGROUND: The p53 transcription factor is located at the core of a complex wiring of signaling pathways that are critical for the preservation of cellular homeostasis. Only recently it has become clear that p53 regulates the expression of several long intergenic noncoding RNAs (lincRNAs). However, relatively little is known about the role that lincRNAs play in this pathway. RESULTS: Here we characterize a lincRNA named Pint (p53 induced noncoding transcript). We show that Pint is a ubiquitously expressed lincRNA that is finely regulated by p53. In mouse cells, Pint promotes cell proliferation and survival by regulating the expression of genes of the TGF-β, MAPK and p53 pathways. Pint is a nuclear lincRNA that directly interacts with the Polycomb repressive complex 2 (PRC2), and is required for PRC2 targeting of specific genes for H3K27 tri-methylation and repression. Furthermore, Pint functional activity is highly dependent on PRC2 expression. We have also identified Pint human ortholog (PINT), which presents suggestive analogies with the murine lincRNA. PINT is similarly regulated by p53, and its expression significantly correlates with the same cellular pathways as the mouse ortholog, including the p53 pathway. Interestingly, PINT is downregulated in colon primary tumors, while its overexpression inhibits the proliferation of tumor cells, suggesting a possible role as tumor suppressor. CONCLUSIONS: Our results reveal a p53 autoregulatory negative mechanism where a lincRNA connects p53 activation with epigenetic silencing by PRC2. Additionally, we show analogies and differences between the murine and human orthologs, identifying a novel tumor suppressor candidate lincRNA.

La repressió dels eclesiàstics absolutistes lleidatans al Trienni Liberal: el cas del bisbe Renteria

El bisbe Simón Renteria y Reyes va ocupar la Mitra de la diòcesi de Lleida durant el període 1819-1824. Al Trienni Liberal Renteria va esdevenir un eix molt important de l’absolutisme a la ciutat de Lleida ja que va oposar-se notablement a les reformes legislatives liberals, defensant una clara tendència al conservadorisme i al tradicionalisme dins de l’àmbit del pensament polític. Per aquest motiu va protestar contra les noves lleis i Decrets del govern liberal i va enviar tot un seguit de cartes i oficis amb l’objectiu de capgirar la política de les Corts Constitucionals. Fruit d’aquesta oposició al règim liberal les autoritats lleidatanes el van expulsar de la ciutat. També altres membres de l’Església van patir, en diferent grau, la repressió del poder liberal. Amb el retorn un altre cop de l’absolutisme a finals de l’any 1823 els religiosos que s’havien mantingut fidels al tradicionalisme van rebre diverses recompenses.

La repercusión del régimen constitucional en la Iglesia de Lleida durante el trienio liberal

A principios del año 1820 la revolución de Rafael de Riego instauró el régimen liberal en España. La Iglesia de Lleida se adaptó correctamente al nuevo modelo político. Pero la obra legislativa de las Cortes liberales perjudicó gravemente a todas las estructuras políticas, económicas y sociales de la institución eclesiástica. Con la radicalización del gobierno liberal se produjo la ruptura de las relaciones de los con el Ayuntamiento de Lleida, quiénes al poco tiempo sufrieron la persecución y la represión de las autoridades liberales. Por tanto, el balance del período liberal fue muy negativo y su impacto enorme.