More than cheap talk? Euro-Mediterranean cooperation on human rights and democracy

Malgrat els esforços de la UE en la promoció de la democràcia i un compromís comú per la democràcia i els drets humans al EMP, no hi ha signes de convergència cap al model liberal democràtic propugnat per la UE. No obstant això, l'abast i la intensitat de la cooperació multilateral, transnacional i bilateral han augmentat constantment en tota la regió des de mitjans de 1990. La cooperació en el camp de la promoció de la democràcia es caracteritza per la forta dinàmica de normativa sectorial, i la diferenciació geogràfica, però està clarament situada en un marc regional i altament estandarditzat. Si bé la convergència política o la política sembla poc probable en el curt o mitjà termini, democràcia i drets humans estan fermament establerts en una agenda regional comú

EU's democracy promotion policy in the Mediterranean: Squaring the stability – democracy circle?

Why does the EU have an ambiguous and inconsistent democracy promotion (DP) policy towards the Mediterranean countries? This paper argues that the EU´s DP is determined by a crucial conflict of interests conceptualised as a stability – democracy dilemma. The EU has been attempting to promote democracy, but without risking the current stability and in connivance with incumbent autocratic regimes. In view of this dilemma, the four main characteristics of the EU´s DP promotion are explored, namely: gradualism, a strong notion of partnership-building, a narrow definition of civil society, and a strong belief in economic liberalisation. A fifth feature, relation of the EU with moderate Islamists, is analysed in the paper as it represents the most striking illustration of its contradictions. The paper concludes by arguing that the definition of a clear DP by the EU that considered engagement with moderate Islamists would represent a major step towards squaring its stability – democracy circle.

Cultural self-identification(s) and personal social networks among first and second-generation immigrants

L’estudi examina les relacions entre (1) les xarxes socials personals de la població immigrant resident a Barcelona i (2) les seves identitats culturals múltiples. L’objectiu principal de l’estudi és entendre com el contingut i l’estructura de les relacions socials dels immigrants facilita o dificulta (1) tenir un sentiment de pertinença a les noves cultures d’acollida, la catalana i la espanyola, i (2) la integració d’aquestes noves identitats socioculturals amb la seva identitat d’origen en una nova identitat bicultural cohesiva. El nostre plantejament inicial era que els immigrants amb xarxes socials més diverses des del punt de vista de la seva composició cultural tindrien més recursos socials i experiències cognitives més diverses , factors que afavoreixen les identificacions múltiples i la participació cívica. Els resultats de l’estudi mostren que el grau d’identificació dels participants amb la seva cultura ètnica o d’origen és força alt i, en certa mesura, més alt en comparació amb les cultures d’acollida ( catalana, cívica i espanyola). Tanmateix, el vincle dels participants amb les cultures d’acollida (p. ex., la cultura catalana) és prou rellevant per a indicar una orientació bicultural (catalana i ètnica). Les anàlisis de correlacions revelen que sentir-se català no impedeix sentir-se part de la comunitat etnocultural d’origen. A més, existeix una interrelació entre l'orientació cultural catalana i la identificació amb les comunitats cíviques locals. De la mateixa manera, tenir competències en llengua catalana no va en detriment de les competències en llengua castellana. Les anàlisis també mostren que factors com l’orientació cultural catalana, l’ús del català i la identificació amb la cultura catalana tenen una correlació positiva amb el grau de chohesio de la indentitat bicultural, afavoreixen el benestar psicològic i disminueixen l’estrès aculturatiu. L’anàlisi de les xarxes socials mostra que la identificació amb la cultura catalana, l’orientació cultural catalana i la integració de la identitat són factors clau per tenir xarxes socials més diverses des del punt de vista ètnic i lingüístic, amb menys membres del col•lectiu d’origen, i amb subgrups o “cliques” culturalment més heterogenis. La identificació espanyola també prediu, en mesura més reduïda, la diversitat de les xarxes. Els nostres resultats contribueixen a la recerca actual i les teories sobre interculturalitat i identitat cultural.

Automatic generation of active coordinates for quantum dynamics calculations: application to the dynamics of benzene photochemistry

A new practical method to generate a subspace of active coordinates for quantum dynamics calculations is presented. These reduced coordinates are obtained as the normal modes of an analytical quadratic representation of the energy difference between excited and ground states within the complete active space self-consistent field method. At the Franck-Condon point, the largest negative eigenvalues of this Hessian correspond to the photoactive modes: those that reduce the energy difference and lead to the conical intersection; eigenvalues close to 0 correspond to bath modes, while modes with large positive eigenvalues are photoinactive vibrations, which increase the energy difference. The efficacy of quantum dynamics run in the subspace of the photoactive modes is illustrated with the photochemistry of benzene, where theoretical simulations are designed to assist optimal control experiments

Corruption in representative democracy

A parliament with n members, distributed among two parties, decides whether to accept or reject a certain proposal. Each member of the parliament votes in favour or against. If there are at least t members in favour, the proposal is accepted; otherwise it is rejected. A non-member of the parliament, the briber, is interested in having the proposal accepted. To this end, he is willing to bribe members to induce them to vote in favour. It is compared a parliament with party discipline, where members vote according to the party line, and a parliament without party discipline, where members vote according to their own opinion. The paper determines, for given values of n and t , the average number of members that the briber has to bribe in each case (with the average taken with respect to all the possible allocations of members between parties and their votes, and also with respect to those allocations inducing the briber to bribe). The results show that a parliament with parties with party discipline is more costly for the briber to be bribed.

Generation of mouse-induced pluripotent stem cells by transient expression of a single nonviral polycistronic vector

Induced pluripotent stem (iPS) cells have generated keen interestdue to their potential use in regenerative medicine. They havebeen obtained from various cell types of both mice and humans byexogenous delivery of different combinations of Oct4, Sox2, Klf4,c-Myc, Nanog, and Lin28. The delivery of these transcription factorshas mostly entailed the use of integrating viral vectors (retrovirusesor lentiviruses), carrying the risk of both insertional mutagenesisand oncogenesis due to misexpression of these exogenousfactors. Therefore, obtaining iPS cells that do not carry integratedtransgene sequences is an important prerequisite for their eventualtherapeutic use. Here we report the generation of iPS cell linesfrom mouse embryonic fibroblasts with no evidence of integrationof the reprogramming vector in their genome, achieved by nucleofectionof a polycistronic construct coexpressing Oct4, Sox2, Klf4,and c-Myc

A protocol describing the genetic correction of somatic human cells and subsequent generation of IPS cell

The generation of patient-specific induced pluripotent stem cells (iPSCPSCPSCs) offers unprecedented opportunities for modeling and treating human disease. In combination with gene therapy, the iPSCPSCPSC technology can be used to generate disease-free progenitor cells of potential interest for autologous cell therapy. We explain a protocol for the reproducible generation of genetically corrected iPSCPSCPSCs starting from the skin biopsies of Fanconi anemia patients using retroviral transduction with OCT4, SOX2 and KLF4. Before reprogramming, the fibroblasts and/or keratinocytes of the patients are genetically corrected with lentiviruses expressing FANCA. The same approach may be used for other diseases susceptible to gene therapy correction. Genetically corrected, characterized lines of patient-specific iPSCPSCPSCs can be obtained in 4–5 months.

Generation of induced pluripotent stem cells from human cord blood cells with only two factors:OCT4 and SOX2

Induced pluripotent stem cells (iPSC ) provide an invaluable resource for regenerative medicine as they allow the generationof patient-specific progenitors with potential value for cell therapy. However, in many instances, an off-the-shelf approach isdesirable, such as for cell therapy of acute conditions or when the patient’s somatic cells are altered as a consequence of a chronicdisease or aging. Cord blood (CB) stem cells appear ideally suited for this purpose as they are young cells expected to carryminimal somatic mutations and possess the immunological immaturity of newborn cells; additionally, several hundred thousandimmunotyped CB units are readily available through a worldwide network of CB banks. Here we present a detailed protocol for thederivation of CB stem cells and how they can be reprogrammed to pluripotency by retroviral transduction with only two factors(OCT 4 and SO X2) in 2 weeks and without the need for additional chemical compounds.

Generation of cardiomyocytes from new human embrionic stem cell lines derived from poor-quanlity blastocysts

Human embryonic stem (hES) cells represent a potential source for cell replacement therapy of many degenerative diseases. Most frequently, hES cell lines are derived from surplus embryos from assisted reproduction cycles, independent of their quality or morphology. Here, we show that hES cell lines can be obtained from poor-quality blastocysts with the same efficiency as that obtained from good- or intermediate-quality blastocysts. Furthermore, we show that the self-renewal, pluripotency, and differentiation ability of hES cell lines derived from either source are comparable. Finally, we present a simple and reproducible embryoid body-based protocol for the differentiation of hES cells into functional cardiomyocytes. The five new hES cell lines derived here should widen the spectrum of available resources for investigating the biology of hES cells and advancing toward efficient strategies of regenerative medicine.

Membership and internal democracy. Immigrant organisations in the city of Oslo

Immigrant organisations in the City of Oslo receive support from the government for their daily operation. In order to receive such support, each organisation must be membership-based and have internal democratic procedures. This paper raises the question of how we can understand this combination of support for ethnic based organisations and requirements of membership and internal democracy. It explores the usefulness of two partly overlapping ways of understanding this policy and discusses their interrelationship. Firstly, within the context of the crisis of multiculturalism, the paper discusses whether this combination is based on the aim of strengthening the organisations’ procedural commitment to liberal-democratic principles. Secondly, the paper analyses whether requirements of membership and internal democracy can mainly be understood within the framework of the Nordic model of voluntary organisation. By comparing the policy at three empirical levels, the paper concludes that this combination can mainly be understood within the framework of the traditional historical Nordic model, but that there is an ambiguity in this policy related to minority rights.

Secession and liberal democracy. The case of the Basque country

The academic debate about the secession of a territory which is part of a liberal democracy state displays an initial contrast. On the one hand, practical secessionist movements usually legitimize their position using nationalist arguments linked to the principle of national self- determination. On the other hand, we find in academia few defenders of a normative principle of national self-determination. Philosophers, political scientists and jurists usually defend the status quo. And even when they do not defend it, most of them tend to leave the question of that question and secession unresolved or confused. Regarding this issue, liberal-democratic theories show a tendency to be “conservative” in relation to the political borders, regardless the historical and empirical processes of creation of current States. Probably, this feature is not far away to the fact that, since its beginning, political liberalism has not been a theory of the nation, but a theory of the state.

Federalism and democracy. The case of minority nations: a federalist deficit

In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.

Women of the beat generation : la traducción de una obra poética coral

Comentario a la traducción por encargo del libro WOTBG, centrado en las muestras de obra poética de las distintas autoras y la necesidad de conservar sus similitudes y sus diferéncias.

Growth, Democracy, and Civil War

Does economic growth affect the likelihood of civil war? Answering this question requires dealing with reverse causation. Our approach exploits that international commodity prices have a significant effect on the income growth of Sub-Saharan African countries. We show that lower income growth makes civil war more likely in non-democracies. This effect is significantly weaker in democracies; as a result, we find no link between growth and civil war in these countries. Our reducedform results also indicate that lower international commodity price growth has no effect on civil war in democracies, but raises the likelihood of civil war incidence and onset in nondemocracies.