35 resultados para World War Two


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Since World War II, the United States government has made improved accessto higher education a priority. This e¤ort has substantially increasedthe number of people who complete college. We show that by reducing theeffective interest rate on borrowing for education, such policies canactually increase the gap in wages between those with a college educationand those without. The mechanism that drives our results is the signaling role of education first explored by Spence (1973). We argue that financialconstraints on education reduce the value of education as a signal. Wesolve for the reduced form relationship between the interest rate and thewage premium in the steady state of a dynamic asymmetric information model.In addition, we discuss evidence of decreases in borrowing costs for educationfinancing in the U.S.

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This paper analyzes the different equilibria in rural-urban migrationsand political redistribution that result from the interaction betweenincreasing political returns, the distribution of land, and creditmarket imperfections. Governments that put a special weight on thewelfare of urban workers when setting agricultural prices generate apolitical externality in the urban sector, giving peasants anincentive to migrate in anticipation of policy determination. Ifcredit markets are imperfect, land ownership confers higherproductivity to peasants, who require large price changes to migrate.In this context, land inequality would lead to large migrations and tolarge policy change, while an egalitarian land distribution would leadto no migration and to a small policy change. This interaction shedslight on the contrasting experience of Latin America and East Asia atthe outset of World War II.

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According to our interpretation, modern trade fairs started in Europe during the FirstWorld War and in its immediate aftermath. With the closing of trade movements duringthe war, many cities had to resort to the old medieval tradition of providing especialpermits to traders to guarantee them personal protection during their trade meetings.During the tough post war crisis many more cities typically industrial districts-discovered in the creation of trade fairs a powerful competitive tool to attract markettransactions. We compare these developments with the remote origins of fairs, as, inboth cases, trade fair development is a reaction to the closing of free markets under thepressure of political violence.

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In 1921 Mexico produced a quarter of world s petroleum, making the country the secondlargest producer in the world, but by 1930 it only accounted for 3 per cent of world sproduction. To date the discussion has mostly relied on events taking place in Mexico forexplaining the decline of the industry. Very little attention has been placed todevelopments in petroleum industry elsewhere, except Venezuela. Practically noattention has been paid to the reasons for the rise of oil output in Mexico. This neglectsthe massive changes taking place in the petroleum industry worldwide during the GreatWar years and its aftermath, and overall ignores the shortage of oil that occurred in theworld s markets between 1918-1921. These are crucial events in order to understand theearly rise of the Mexican oil industry and set the basis for a better understanding of thesubsequent sudden decline.

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En 1979 Y. Lacoste a publié dans la revue "Hérodote" un article surprenant intitulé "A bas Vidal ... Viva Vidal" qui exhumait la dernière œuvre de Vidal de la Blache: La france de I'Est (Loraine-Alsace) (1917). Dans cet article, Lacoste faisait l'éloge de certains aspects économiques, sociaux et surtout géopolitiques, non traités dans le traditionnel modèle vidalien. Nous tenterons d'approfondir dans cet essai l'une des questions qu'a induite l'article de Lacoste, a savoir la place qu'occupe la Géographie Politique dans l'école vidalienne. Les différents travaux et actions des disciples de Vidal ont fait preuve d’un grand intérêt pour la Géographie Politique en abandonnant provisoirement le schéma descriptif prope à la géographie régionale française. À la fin de la première guerre mondiale, le problème frontalier de l'Alsace-Loraine devient l'axe central de La France de I'Est; On a fait ressortir les éléments géopolitiques de cette œuvre a fin de démontrer que l'aspect géopolitique de l'école vidalienne est méconnu

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This paper presents a comparison of the changes in the energetic metabolic pattern of China and India, the two most populated countries in the world, with two economies undergoing an important economic transition. The comparison of the changes in the energetic metabolic pattern has the scope to characterize and explain a bifurcation in their evolutionary path in the recent years, using the Multi-Scale Integrated Analysis of Societal and Ecosystem Metabolism (MuSIASEM) approach. The analysis shows an impressive transformation of China’s energy metabolism determined by the joining of the WTO in 2001. Since then, China became the largest factory of the world with a generalized capitalization of all sectors ―especially the industrial sector― boosting economic labor productivity as well as total energy consumption. India, on the contrary, lags behind when considering these factors. Looking at changes in the household sector (energy metabolism associated with final consumption) in the case of China, the energetic metabolic rate (EMR) soared in the last decade, also thanks to a reduced growth of population, whereas in India it remained stagnant for the last 40 years. This analysis indicates a big challenge for India for the next decade. In the light of the data analyzed both countries will continue to require strong injections of technical capital requiring a continuous increase in their total energy consumption. When considering the size of these economies it is easy to guess that this may induce a dramatic increase in the price of energy, an event that at the moment will penalize much more the chance of a quick economic development of India.

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In this article we research into the difficulties that foreign trade imposed onSpanish process of integration into the international economy in the years priorto the First World War. We start out by examining some features of the foreigntrade structure of the country. By means of an econometric analysis of importand export series, it is possible to observe the presence of a trend towards tradedeficit, which was in force when Spain grew at a rate similar to that of itstrading partners. We also check that, in the absence of these compensatorymechanisms, adjustment in foreign payments could be reached by means ofprotective measures and the exchange rate.

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In this article we research into the difficulties that foreign trade imposed onSpanish process of integration into the international economy in the years priorto the First World War. We start out by examining some features of the foreigntrade structure of the country. By means of an econometric analysis of importand export series, it is possible to observe the presence of a trend towards tradedeficit, which was in force when Spain grew at a rate similar to that of itstrading partners. We also check that, in the absence of these compensatorymechanisms, adjustment in foreign payments could be reached by means ofprotective measures and the exchange rate.

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Teresa Abelló analyses here an aspect of Barcelona's socio-cultural life in the period that goes from the first to the Second World War. She concentrates her attention on a new model of working-class leader that have promoted a clear cut with XIX century internationalist leading manual workers. The new manners embodied on the person of Salvador Seguít, he General Secretary of the anarchosyndicalist CNT. Abelló points aout at the same time . the relationship between these new social habits and the cultural avantgardes of the moment -either literary, pictoria or artistic in general.

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Teresa Abelló analyses here an aspect of Barcelona's socio-cultural life in the period that goes from the first to the Second World War. She concentrates her attention on a new model of working-class leader that have promoted a clear cut with XIX century internationalist leading manual workers. The new manners embodied on the person of Salvador Seguít, he General Secretary of the anarchosyndicalist CNT. Abelló points aout at the same time . the relationship between these new social habits and the cultural avantgardes of the moment -either literary, pictoria or artistic in general.

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Why we fight és un grup de set pel·lícules de format documental que van formar part d’un ampli programa d’informació, formació i propaganda impulsat per l’exèrcit nord-americà, en el moment en què els Estats Units ja s’havien implicat en la Segona Guerra Mundial. És també un dels més reeixits exercicis de retòrica cinematogràfica nord-americana d’aquell període que permet analitzar com els països democràtics van gestionar qüestions tan compromeses com la propaganda de guerra. La pretensió d’aquest treball de recerca és aprofundir en la complexitat ideològica i formal de la sèrie, que faci possible descobrir-ne els orígens, els objectius i la manera com aquests van ser assolits per un grup d’especialistes cinematogràfics, coordinats pel director Frank Capra, tots els quals havien triomfat fins llavors a Hollywood

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Con la implicación definitiva de los Estados Unidos en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el gobierno y el alto mando militar decidieron impulsar un amplio programa audiovisual que utilizando la letra impresa, la radio y el cine intentaría explicar –principalmente, aunque no exclusivamente, a millares de civiles reclutados para la ocasión– el porqué de la guerra y la necesaria implicación de los Estados Unidos en la contienda. Naturalmente, a esta voluntad pedagógica se unía otra propagandística. Por lo que respecta al cine, y contando con los destacados antecedentes del cine soviético y las producciones cinematográficas del régimen nazi, se decidió poner en marcha un exhaustivo programa para la producción cinematográfica de documentales que cubriría estos dos aspectos esenciales: el formativo y el propagandístico –bautizado, eufemísticamente, como “orientación moral”. De entre las producciones cinematográficas de orientación moral, impulsadas por el ejército, destaca, por su ambición y calidad intrínseca, una serie de siete documentales presentada bajo el título genérico de Why We Fight

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El presente artículo analiza algunos aspectos de los métodos de formación y propaganda destinados a los sol-dados del ejército estadounidense al enfrentarse a la implicación de su país en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El general George C. Marshall, jefe del alto mando militar, pretendía oponer a los anticuados métodos de instruc-ción basados en la fuerza del hábito corporal, la fuerza del hábito mental. Esta pretensión supuso desplegar un amplio programa que contemplaba, además de la instrucción militar, la formación intelectual y que contaba, para ello, entre otros recursos, con el cine. En este último ámbito, destacó la producción de la serie documen-tal de siete episodios “Why We Fight”. La serie, desde su mismo título, pareció apostar por la argumentación racional antes que por la emocional, para hacer comprensible, a los soldados, la implicaciónde Estados Unidos en la contienda mundial. Sin embargo, más allá de su apariencia retórica, la serie debía funcionar como un efectivo mecanismo de propaganda a favor de los intereses estratégicos del país norteamericano

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The video installations of Freya Powell's first exhibition in Barcelona call for an analysis of the links between memory and the archive, between compilation, registration, and the traces of History. Powell's work establishes a fine link between the memory of those sentenced to death in the United States, the memory of the Second World War, the artist's own memory, and the different world maps produced by colonial history. This link forces us to take into account our own connection not only with the voices and words that have been archived, but also with those voices that we want to hear and register.

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El propòsit d’aquest treball és presentar i discutir les diferents teories sobre l’anomenat «imperialisme modern», delimitat cronològicament des de finals del segle XIX fins a l’inici de la Primera Guerra Mundial. A més a més, és també l’objectiu d’aquest article mostrar l’evolució de la discussió presentant aquestes teories en ordre cronològic i insistint en com els conceptes «imperialisme» i «colonialisme» han canviat de significat. Les teories marxistes i liberals de principis del segle XX consideraven l’imperialisme un procés fonamentalment econòmic mentre que la teoria sociològica de Schumpeter el veia com un atavisme. Algunes teories després de les guerres mundials han insistit en la importància de parar atenció en els territoris colonitzats i en com la seva relació amb Europa ha afectat la nova forma imperial. Les explicacions més recents n’han destacat aspectes molt diferents, des de la importància sobre com ha permès l’expansió del lliure-comerç fins a l’imperialisme com una perversió del nacionalisme.