24 resultados para Politics and culture
Resumo:
El objetivo de esta tesis es reinterpretar la idea “tecnología” partiendo del ejemplo etnográfico de varias comunidades ribereñas del Bajo Amazonas. La hipótesis que va a defenderse es que si se trasciende la perspectiva técnica y se analiza la “tecnología” desde un punto de vista antropológico, ésta se revela como algo indisociable de otras dimensiones sociales como 1. el cuerpo, 2. el conocimiento local 3. la modernización, 4. la política agraria y 5. la espiritualidad. Los datos etnográficos se han obtenido durante diez meses de trabajo de campo en diversas comunidades ribereñas formadas, principalmente, por población mestiza. La situación híbrida de estos ribereños, que mantienen las técnicas tradicionales indígenas y a la vez se acomodan al influjo de la modernidad, permite tender un puente analítico entre la tecnología amazónica y la tecnología “occidental”. El objetivo teórico que subyace a la propia etnografía es establecer un eje de simetría entre ambos sistemas sociotécnicos, para lo cual se propone evitar la valoración de la tecnología en tanto que instrumento y einterpretarla como estrategia relacional. Partiendo de esa perspectiva analítica, a lo largo de este trabajo se verá cómo la antropología amazónica y la antropología de la tecnología, aparentemente disociadas, confluyen en un cuadro interpretativo según el cual los ribereños del Bajo Amazonas (y si la simetría es correcta, también la población postindustrial), tienden a disolver la clásica distinción naturaleza/cultura en la continuidad relacional generada por sus sistemas tecnológicos.
Resumo:
This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.
Resumo:
Studies of the EU accession of the East and Central European Countries have stressed the importance of neo-liberal institutionalism as an explanation for Member State preferences. In this paper it is argued that Member States’ preferences over Turkish EU accession are better explained by power politics and neo-realism. It seems therefore that Turkey’s way to the EU follows another path than the East and Central Countries. Turkish accession raises the question of the EU’s role in a uni-polar world order – whether the EU should develop into an independent actor on the world stage or not. However, when it comes to the interaction among the Member States in order to decide on when to open accession negotiations with Turkey the constitutive values of the EU seriously modify the outcome that pure power politics would have let to.
Resumo:
Electoral institutions that encourage citizens to vote are widely used around the world. Yet littleis known about the effects of such institutions on voter participation and the composition of the electorate.In this paper, I combine a field experiment with a change in Peruvian voting laws to identify theeffect of monetary (dis-)incentives on voting. Using the random variation in the fine for abstention andan objective measure of turnout at the individual level, I estimate the elasticity of voting with respectto cost to be -0.21. Consistent with the theoretical model presented, the reduction in turnout inducedby the reduction in the fine is driven by voters who (i) are in the center of the political spectrum, (ii)are less interested in politics, and (iii) hold less political information. However, voters who respondto changes in the cost of abstention do not have different preferences for policies than those who voteregardless of the cost. Further, involvement in politics, as measured by the decision to acquire politicalinformation, seems to be independent of the level of the fine. Additional results indicate that thereduction in the fine does not affect the incidence of vote buying, but increases the price paid for avote.
Resumo:
Today, per capita income differences around the globe are large ? varying by as much as a factor of 35 across countries (Hall and Jones 1999). These differentials mostly reflect the "Great Divergence" (Sam Huntingon) ? the fact that Western Europe and former European colonies grew rapidly after 1800, while other countries grew much later or stagnated. What is less well-known is that a "First Divergence" preceded the Great Divergence: Western Europe surged ahead of the rest of the world long before technological growth became rapid. Europe in 1500 was already twice as rich on a per capita basis as Africa, and one-third richer than most of Asia (Maddison 2007). In this essay, we explain how Europe's tumultuous politics and deadly penchant for warfare translated into a sustained advantage in per capita incomes.
Resumo:
This work analyses the political news of eight Spanish television channels in order to see what image is built of politics, and particularly how the news of corruption affects the image of politics in Spanish news broadcasts. Different cases of corruption such as Gürtel, Palma Arena and those associated with judge Baltasar Garzón in his final stage in office, occupy part of the study. A new methodology is therefore proposed that enables the quality of the political information emitted from inside and outside the political content of the news programmes to be observed. Particular attention is paid to the news broadcasts of Televisión Española and Cuatro as those which offer a more balanced view of politics, and channels such as La Sexta, which give priority to a narrative construction of politics in the news programmes around causes of corruption.
Resumo:
BACKGROUND: Host- and pathogen-related factors associated with septic shock in pneumococcal pneumonia are not well defined. The aim of this study was to identify risk factors for septic shock and to ascertain patient outcomes. Serotypes, genotypes and antibiotic resistance of isolated strains were also analysed. METHODS: Observational analysis of a prospective cohort of non-severely immunosuppressed hospitalised adults with pneumococcal pneumonia. Septic shock was defined as a systolic blood pressure of <90 mm Hg and peripheral hypoperfusion with the need for vasopressors for >4 h after fluid replacement. RESULTS: 1041 patients with pneumococcal pneumonia diagnosed by Gram stain and culture of appropriate samples and/or urine antigen test were documented, of whom 114 (10.9%) had septic shock at admission. After adjustment, independent risk factors for shock were current tobacco smoking (OR, 2.11; 95% CI, 1.02 to 4.34; p = 0.044), chronic corticosteroid treatment (OR, 4.45; 95% CI, 1.75 to 11.32; p = 0.002) and serotype 3 (OR, 2.24; 95% CI, 1.12 to 4.475; p = 0.022). No significant differences were found in genotypes and rates of antibiotic resistance. Compared with the remaining patients, patients with septic shock required mechanical ventilation more frequently (37% vs 4%; p<0.001) and had longer length of stay (11 vs 8 days; p<0.001). The early (10% vs 1%; p<0.001) and overall case fatality rates (25% vs 5%; p<0.001) were higher in patients with shock. CONCLUSIONS: Septic shock is a frequent complication of pneumococcal pneumonia and causes high morbidity and mortality. Current tobacco smoking, chronic corticosteroid treatment and infection caused by serotype 3 are independent risk factors for this complication.
Resumo:
Language diversity has become greatly endangered in the past centuries owing to processes of language shift from indigenous languages to other languages that are seen as socially and economically more advantageous, resulting in the death or doom of minority languages. In this paper, we define a new language competition model that can describe the historical decline of minority languages in competition with more advantageous languages. We then implement this non-spatial model as an interaction term in a reactiondiffusion system to model the evolution of the two competing languages. We use the results to estimate the speed at which the more advantageous language spreads geographically, resulting in the shrinkage of the area of dominance of the minority language. We compare the results from our model with the observed retreat in the area of influence of the Welsh language in the UK, obtaining a good agreement between the model and the observed data
Resumo:
Education never fails to be mentioned ¿ and, often, mentioned first ¿ as a public interest that justifies an exception to copyright. Educational purposes were already present in the first version of the Berne Convention of 18862 and have remained there (although in revised language) ever since. The WIPO Copyright Treaty of 19963 expressly referred to education in its Preamble, when ¿Recognizing the need to maintain a balance between the rights of authors andthe larger public interest, particularly education, research and access to information, as reflected in the Berne Convention¿ (emphasis added). And morerecently, the EU Directive on Copyright in the Information Society4 stressed its goal ¿to promote learning and culture by protecting works and other subjectmatter while permitting exceptions or limitations in the public interest for the purpose of education and teaching¿ (Recital 14, emphasis added).