La dinàmica de les práctiques científiques des del punt de vista de l'experiencialisme

La tesi doctoral titulada "La Dinàmica de les Pràctiques Científiques des d'un punt de vista experiencialista" té com a objectiu oferir una alternativa a les tesis de Kuhn defensades a l'"Estructura de les Revolucions Científiques". En aquest sentit, s'utilitzaran diferents experiments i models teòrics actuals en l'àmbit de les ciències cognitives per tal de superar la teoria estructuralista de la cognició, quee Kuhn proposa com la base de la seva filosofia de la ciència. Contràriament a aquesta teoria, l'experiencialisme se situa lluny de les tesis estructuralistes, en la mesura en què assumeix que la cognició humana emergeix des de la dinàmica interactiva dels agents cognitius humans entre ells en un entorn material, en tant que agents corporals. A partir d'aquesta interacció dinàmica, l'ésser humà genera un horitzó de sentit. Ja que la interacció entre els éssers humans en un entorn cultural i material és complex, dinàmic i canviant, la generació de sentit emergent no és com una estructura semàntica, coherent i sistemàtica, sinó que ha de ser considerada com un conjunt asistemàtic de perspectives exploratòries que se succeeixen en el temps, en funció dels diferents contextos i propòsits que un agent corporal porta a terme al llarg de la seva interacció dinàmica i temporal amb l'entorn. Com a resultat de tot això, els èssers humans apliquen diferents criteris interactius que donen lloc a diferents perspectives per categoritzar o estructurar el món material i cultural. Aquest punt de vista és completament diferent del kuhnià, donat que el segon argumenta que cada èsser humà té la seva pròpia Gestalt o estructura semàntica que projecta "a priori" sobre la realitat. Aquesta diferència serà molt important no només des d'un punt de vista teòric, sinó també des d'un punt de vista pràctic. Per exemple, s'argumentarà que en l'àmbit de la didàctica de les ciències empíriques, es poden produir canvis beneficiosos significatius si s'utilitzen tesis extretes del model experiencialista de la cognició humana, i es deixen de banda el cognitivisme i el teoreticisme, que són actualment les bases teòriques de la manera en qué funciona l'educació científica. Finalment, conclourem afirmant que la visió experiencialista de la cognició implica assumir una forta relació entre l'ètica i la ciència, puix que els èssers humans són capaços d'utilitzar diferents criteris interactius per explorar la realitat i, per tant, sempre poden buscar millors estragègies per entendre's els uns amb els altres.

La Relació entre el món laboral i el món de l'educació en persones amb discapacitat

La fundació Síndrome de Down de Girona i Comarques Astrid – 21 és una fundació privada benèfica de tipus assistencial. La finalitat dels seus programes és la protecció de les persones amb síndrome de Down al llarg de la seva vida, però també està oberta a altres discapacitats intel•lectuals. Aquest treball se centra en el programa “formació d’adults” que ofereix una formació a totes aquelles persones amb discapacitat que ja estan inserides en el món laboral. L’estudi que he dut a terme sorgeix d’una problemàtica latent en aquest programa. Els grups, en un principi, estaven formats per persones amb un nivell cognitiu més o menys semblant. Tot i això, degut a la incorporació de nous alumnes, la coordinació amb l’horari laboral i amb activitats de lleure, entre d’altres factors, ha provocat l’heterogeneïtat d’aquests. Per aquest motiu, a partir del paradigma d’investigació – acció, he creat uns instruments de mesura de les capacitats cognitives dels alumnes relacionades amb els objectius treballats al programa per tal de reelaborar els grups ja existents i, al mateix temps, tenir una eina per a futures incorporacions del programa “formació d’adults” de la Fundació Astrid 21

Cultural self-identification(s) and personal social networks among first and second-generation immigrants

L’estudi examina les relacions entre (1) les xarxes socials personals de la població immigrant resident a Barcelona i (2) les seves identitats culturals múltiples. L’objectiu principal de l’estudi és entendre com el contingut i l’estructura de les relacions socials dels immigrants facilita o dificulta (1) tenir un sentiment de pertinença a les noves cultures d’acollida, la catalana i la espanyola, i (2) la integració d’aquestes noves identitats socioculturals amb la seva identitat d’origen en una nova identitat bicultural cohesiva. El nostre plantejament inicial era que els immigrants amb xarxes socials més diverses des del punt de vista de la seva composició cultural tindrien més recursos socials i experiències cognitives més diverses , factors que afavoreixen les identificacions múltiples i la participació cívica. Els resultats de l’estudi mostren que el grau d’identificació dels participants amb la seva cultura ètnica o d’origen és força alt i, en certa mesura, més alt en comparació amb les cultures d’acollida ( catalana, cívica i espanyola). Tanmateix, el vincle dels participants amb les cultures d’acollida (p. ex., la cultura catalana) és prou rellevant per a indicar una orientació bicultural (catalana i ètnica). Les anàlisis de correlacions revelen que sentir-se català no impedeix sentir-se part de la comunitat etnocultural d’origen. A més, existeix una interrelació entre l'orientació cultural catalana i la identificació amb les comunitats cíviques locals. De la mateixa manera, tenir competències en llengua catalana no va en detriment de les competències en llengua castellana. Les anàlisis també mostren que factors com l’orientació cultural catalana, l’ús del català i la identificació amb la cultura catalana tenen una correlació positiva amb el grau de chohesio de la indentitat bicultural, afavoreixen el benestar psicològic i disminueixen l’estrès aculturatiu. L’anàlisi de les xarxes socials mostra que la identificació amb la cultura catalana, l’orientació cultural catalana i la integració de la identitat són factors clau per tenir xarxes socials més diverses des del punt de vista ètnic i lingüístic, amb menys membres del col•lectiu d’origen, i amb subgrups o “cliques” culturalment més heterogenis. La identificació espanyola també prediu, en mesura més reduïda, la diversitat de les xarxes. Els nostres resultats contribueixen a la recerca actual i les teories sobre interculturalitat i identitat cultural.

Teaching Literature in EFL through the Story Grammar and Reader Response Approach

La Literatura ha de ser implementada a les aules com a eina per a l’ensenyament i aprenentatge de la llengua anglesa, i hauria de complementar els llibres de text d’ensenyament d’aquesta llengua. D’aquesta manera els alumnes seran exposats encara més a una varietat de registres, expressions i vocabulari d’aquesta llengua. La metodologia d’ensenyar la gramàtica dels contes o històries coneguda en anglès com “Story Grammar Approach” (SGA) i la metodologia sobre la comprensió i reacció lectora o “Reader Response Approach” (RRA) són excel•lent vehicles per a implementar la Literatura com a eina a les aules per a ensenyar anglès.La metodologia sobre la gramàtica de contes o “SGA” només es pot posar en pràctica quan els textos són narratius perquè aquests posseeixen tots els següents elements:• Personatges• Ambient• Trama• Conflicte• Resolució• Tema La metodologia de la reacció lectiva o “RRA” es centra principalment en la comprensió subjectiva i reacció del lector sobre un text, en la qual el lector formula una hipòtesis i aporta les seves idees sobre el text a una conversa grupal. Els estudiants han de poder aportar les seves reaccions, idees i respostes sobre els textos. La metodologia “RRA” també enfoca les habilitats cognitives superiors i empenya a l’alumne a millorar la seva expressió oral.Aquestes dues metodologies aporten incomptable avantatges. Treballen totes les intel•ligències múltiples i totes les competències acadèmiques (menys la matemàtica), els alumnes aprenen a treballar i a escolar als altres (i valorar altres opinions), poden aprendre sobre diferents cultures, la història, geografia, són exposats a diferents gèneres, i fomenten i estimulen la lectura i escriptura, com també treballen les habilitats productives i receptives en l’aprenentatge del anglès.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Educació i drogues, drogues i educació?

Partint del consum de drogues com un fenòmen social s'intenta fer una aproximació a la relació existent entre drogues i educació. Es planteja l'educació des d'un enfoc globalitzador i flexibilitat, adaptada als canvis, dirigida a subjectes consumidors i no consumidors. Tammateix, es proposa, una actuació socioeducativa que articuli allò personal i allò social, de manera que proporcioni competències cognitives i actitudinals per aqdquirir un sentit crític, per a saber viure i conviure, afrontar i resoldre conflictes, prendre decisions de forma autònoma i responsable, respectar les opcions diferents i per l'ús adequat de drogues si és aquesta la opció. En definitiva, es planteja la necessitat d'incorporar al debat permanent de les drogues un anàlisi en profunditat des de la pedagogia per anar creant i consolidant un nou discurs, que ajudi a trobar l'articulació entre la dualitat drogues i educació, educació i drogues.

Dins el bosc de la cultura visual. Apunts per a una actualització pedagògica

L'era de la comunicació acara la comunitat educativa davant de nous reptes, especialment en l'àmbit de la cultura visual. La cultura visual es manifesta avui arreu i no hi ha àmbit ni familiar ni social ni educatiu que no en participi. Més enllà de la visualització i experimentació d'alguns procediments artístics canònics, l'ensenyament de les arts visuals i plàstiques observa la necessitat d'ampliar el seu radi d'acció, reflexió i anàlisi de manera coparticipada. Un repàs a la trajectòria històrica de l'aprenentatge artístic dóna peu a algunes preguntes rellevants com ara, quins aprenentatges per a quines competències? Per a quina societat i amb quins instruments cal educar els infants? Quines inèrcies i teories s¿hereten del passat i quin lloc cal que tinguin en el futur? Quines aportacions cognitives o empíriques permetrien una renovació positiva en l'àmbit de l¿educació visual i plàstica? Són preguntes difícils però peremptòries si no es vol girar l'esquena a l'evidència dels canvis comunicatius i socials del nostre temps.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Educació i drogues, drogues i educació?

Partint del consum de drogues com un fenòmen social s'intenta fer una aproximació a la relació existent entre drogues i educació. Es planteja l'educació des d'un enfoc globalitzador i flexibilitat, adaptada als canvis, dirigida a subjectes consumidors i no consumidors. Tammateix, es proposa, una actuació socioeducativa que articuli allò personal i allò social, de manera que proporcioni competències cognitives i actitudinals per aqdquirir un sentit crític, per a saber viure i conviure, afrontar i resoldre conflictes, prendre decisions de forma autònoma i responsable, respectar les opcions diferents i per l'ús adequat de drogues si és aquesta la opció. En definitiva, es planteja la necessitat d'incorporar al debat permanent de les drogues un anàlisi en profunditat des de la pedagogia per anar creant i consolidant un nou discurs, que ajudi a trobar l'articulació entre la dualitat drogues i educació, educació i drogues.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Els virus van fer evolucionar el cervell

Un retrovirus va contribuir a incrementar les capacitats cognitives dels éssers humans. Va incidir sobre un gen que també està involucrat en algunes malalties mentals

Llenguatge i envelliment: una visió des de la neuropsicologia

En el procés d’envelliment es produeixen canvis neuropsicològics, de forma que algunes funcions cognitives es deterioren progressivament al llarg de tota la vida adulta, altres es mantenen estables fins edats avançades, mentre que d'altres poden inclús millorar. Està ben establert que l'envelliment afecta la memòria, atenció, funcions visoperceptives, velocitat de processament, funcions executives, així com algunes funcions lingüístiques. Aquests canvis en les funcions cognitives tenen el seu correlat en el deteriorament cerebral que es produeix en l’envelliment. Estudis recents amb tècniques de neuroimatge han mostrat que mentre que els adults joves presenten un patró fortament lateralitzat en l'hemisferi esquerre en tasques de llenguatge i de memòria verbal, les persones grans tendeixen a mostrar patrons bilaterals. Pel que fa al processament del llenguatge, es postula la presència de pèrdua de recursos, alentiment en el processament de la informació, falta d’inhibició, dèficits en la transmissió, deteriorament de la memòria de treball o dèficits sensorials i perceptius. Algunes funcions lingüístiques s’afecten més que d’altres, però hi ha evidència de la presència d’un deteriorament del llenguatge associat a l’edat, amb afectació del lèxic, sintaxi i organització discursiva. Es fonamental tenir en compte aquests canvis, per tal d’afavorir un envelliment satisfactori i millorar la qualitat de vida, tant de la persona gran com dels seus familiars.

Neuropsicologia i educació

En aquest article pretenem plantejar una visió del procés de desenvolupament de les funcions cognitives del nen des del vessant del desenvolupament cerebral, a partir de les aportacions de les principals teories neuropsicològiques. En aquest sentit, doncs, presentem els models teòrics de funcionament cortical cerebral, des de les teories d’Alexander Luria fi ns als nous plantejaments més actuals sobre el funcionament en xarxes neurals. En aquest sentit, expliquem el desenvolupament de les funcions superiors del nen en base al procés de desenvolupament de les diferents àrees cerebrals, tenint present la important relació entre les bases genètiques del desenvolupament i la relació amb l’entorn on el nen creix. La interacció entre l’àmbit escolar i el procés evolutiu dels infants és clau per al seu propi desenvolupament, ja que, juntament amb el context familiar, l’escola és un dels principals entorns relacionals del nen. En aquest sentit, presentem els diferents canvis relacionats amb el desenvolupament cerebral que tenen lloc en cada un dels principals moments evolutius, tenint present, alhora, el procés educatiu del nen en l’àmbit escolar. Finalment, fem referència a les bases neurobiològiques del procés d’adquisició del llenguatge i lateralització cerebral de funcions cognitives, processos bàsics per a la comunicació del nen amb l’entorn i per al seu procés d’aprenentatge.

Spectrum Sharing Models in Cognitive Radio

Spectrum scarcity demands thinking new ways tomanage the distribution of radio frequency bands so that its use is more effective. The emerging technology that can enable this paradigm shift is the cognitive radio. Different models fororganizing and managing cognitive radios have emerged, all with specific strategic purposes. In this article we review the allocation spectrum patterns of cognitive radio networks andanalyse which are the common basis of each model.We expose the vulnerabilities and open challenges that still threaten the adoptionand exploitation of cognitive radios for open civil networks.